U.S. Department of State Daily Press Briefing #30, 98-03-10
From: The Department of State Foreign Affairs Network (DOSFAN) at <http://www.state.gov>
958
U.S. Department of State
Daily Press Briefing
I N D E X
Tuesday, March 10, 1998
Briefer: James B. Foley
DEPARTMENT/STATEMENTS
1 Second plenary session of Four Party Talks to begin in
Geneva on March 16/Background briefing on Four Party
Talks on Wednesday, March 11
1 Restoration of Pres. Kabbah and democratically-elected
government in Sierra Leone
1 Amb. Roberts Owen to serve as the senior federal negotiator
for pacific salmon talks
1 50th anniversary of the death of Czech FM Masaryk
10-12 Investigation into the disappearance of sensitive documents
from the Executive Secretary's office
14 Possibility of a special press briefing on Kosovo upon
Amb. Gelbard's return
FEDERAL REPUBLIC OF YUGOSLAVIA (FRY)
1-4 U.S. knowledge of reported Russian arms transfers to
Serbia/Russian commitment to the Contact Group agreement
on UN Security Council consideration of an arms embargo
against FRY
2,5 Ten day period for FRY government to implement actions
called for by Contact Group
5 Time-frame for an arbitration decision on Brcko by
Amb. Owens
5-6,7 Amb. Gelbard's comments on terrorist acts of the Kosovo
Liberation Army
6,7,13-14 Comparison of U.S. policy on the situation of Kosovar
Albanians in FRY and the situation of the Kurds in Turkey
and Iraq
7-8,13 Expiration date of the UN force in Federal Yugoslav
Republic of Macedonia/Funding for the continuation of the
UN force
14-15 Announcement of Jim Swigert as Deputy Special
Representative to Amb. Gelbard
RUSSIA
8-9 Investigation into the use of U.S.-made high-performance
computers in Russia
9-10 Discussion during the ongoing meeting of the
Gore-Chernomyrdin Commission of ratification of the START
II treaty
EGYPT
12-13 Derogatory depiction of U.S. Amb. Kurtzer in a cartoon
SAUDI ARABIA
13,15 Health of King Fahd
INDONESIA
14 Re-election of Pres. Suharto
COLOMBIA
15 Congressional elections over the weekend
CUBA
16 Canadian FM Axworthy's comments on the effects of the
economic embargo
U.S. DEPARTMENT OF STATE
OFF-CAMERA DAILY PRESS BRIEFING
DPB #30
TUESDAY, MARCH 10, 1998, 1:00 P.M.
(ON THE RECORD UNLESS OTHERWISE NOTED)
MR. FOLEY: I have just a few announcements before we turn to your heated
questions. First, the second plenary session of the four-party peace talks
involving the US, the Republic of Korea, the People's Republic of China and
the Democratic People's Republic of Korea will begin in Geneva on March 16,
as you know. This will be preceded by a preliminary meeting in Geneva on
March 14. In view of this upcoming event, a background briefing on the four-
party talks by a senior State Department official will take place
here in the briefing room tomorrow at 2:00 p.m.
Secondly, the United States welcomes the return of President Ahmed Tejan
Kabbah to Freetown, and the restoration of the democratically-elected
constitutional government there. We commend the Sierra Leonean people for
their commitment to the principles of democracy and freedom. The United
States lauds the efforts of the Economic Community of West African States,
ECOWAS, including Nigeria, Guinea, Ghana, Cote d'Ivoire and Liberia, in
bringing a peaceful solution to the crisis in Sierra Leone. The United
States looks forward to working with the government of President Kabbah and
the international community to address the pressing needs of Sierra Leone
and its people as they begin to rebuild their country.
We have already posted, I believe, the announcement that Ambassador Roberts
Owen is going to serve as the federal - senior federal negotiator for
Pacific salmon. And finally, we'll be posting a statement commemorating the
death of the late Czech Foreign Minister Jan Masaryk on March 10, 1948, 50
years ago today.
QUESTION: This may be clear in London, but at least it isn't clear to me.
Could you tell us whether Russia is going to go ahead, has a green light to
go ahead with a very large arms deal with Serbia? Or is this off the boards
now, because of the increased sanctions?
MR. FOLEY: Well, first of all, Barry, as you know, the participants on
the US side in the important Contact Group meeting yesterday in London have
not returned to the United States. The Secretary's party, of course, is now
in Canada, having passed through Spain en route yesterday; and Ambassador
Gelbard is currently in Kosovo. So we haven't had a fulsome read-out, and I
will be unable to probably satisfy all of your questions.
But clearly in London yesterday, Russia joined the other members of the
Contact Group in agreeing that the Security Council would consider a
comprehensive arms embargo against the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia,
including Kosovo. So we fully expect that this issue will now be brought to
the Security Council, perhaps in the days to come; and that if there is a
resolution passed in this regard, that Russia will abide by that Security
Council agreement if that's what takes place.
QUESTION: Do you happen to know - I know they're on the road - but is the
US preference that even old contracts not be fulfilled?
MR. FOLEY: We're looking to exert the maximum pressure on President
Milosevic now, to ensure that he gets the message that there is a
significant price to pay for the repression that has occurred inside
Kosovo. Clearly, our goal is to see a cessation of the repression. And if
you look at the Contact Group's statement yesterday, it offered the
possibility that the punitive measures that were decided yesterday and the
prospect of further punitive measures in the next couple of weeks could be
reversed if he reversed course and withdrew the forces of repression from
Kosovo and began an honest dialogue with the political leadership in Kosovo
towards meeting the legitimate political rights and grievances of
the Kosovar-Albanians.
So the ball is very much on Mr. Milosevic's side of the court, and we await
his actions over the next two weeks. As you know, there's another Contact
Group meeting scheduled for March 25th in Washington, at which time we'll
have the opportunity to assess whether he's heeded the call of the
international community.
QUESTION: Isn't that, with all due respect, a little naive, considering
what happened the last time you lifted sanctions? Then you had the bloody
actions in Kosovo. I don't know why I would think of Iraq at the same time,
but isn't your experience with Milosevic such that he should have to do a
lot of things before you would consider making his life easier?
MR. FOLEY: Well, we've had long experience with President Milosevic, ever
since the Balkan crisis erupted some seven, eight years ago. The question
was posed to me on Thursday - our view of what was going on inside his head
concerning these latest events. I offered the answer that he has shown
himself at times to be an able tactician, but not someone with a long-range
vision of what's in the best interest of his people.
However, we have seen him change course in the past; and I think it's
indisputable that his participation was essential to the successful
completion of the Dayton accords. And his episodic cooperation with
implementation of Dayton has, at times, been critical to achieving progress
in Bosnia - most notably with the recent coming to power of the reform-
minded, pro-Dayton government in the Republika Srpska. So he has demonstrated
an ability to change course and to cooperate when it's in his interest -
when he sees it in his interest to do so.
The aim of the international community, as expressed in London yesterday,
was to bring home to him that it is in his interest to cooperate with the
international community to end the repression and to institute a far-
ranging dialogue with the Kosovar-Albanian leadership. That's exactly,
Barry, what we're about - is to make it in his interest to do so.
QUESTION: Jim, what can you say about exactly how much arms the Russians
have put into Serbia in the last few months?
MR. FOLEY: Unfortunately, I don't have information on that. I did check,
and we don't have that available.
QUESTION: You - I presume that you know - I mean, you've got, or you
supposedly had terrific intelligence about what's going on in that whole
region. So I'm assuming that you just don't want to say.
MR. FOLEY: Well, I did ask the question; I was told that we have no
information -specific information -- regarding arms transfers by Russia to
the FRY. I mean, Barry asked the question a minute ago as to whether this
might be prospective in nature; and certainly we want to see the arms
spigot shut down, especially if there is no progress over the next two
weeks. So the focus will be in New York as we discuss Security Council
action in this regard.
QUESTION: Do you know or does the United States believe that Russia has
at least put arms, new arms into --
MR. FOLEY: I don't have that information now, and I'm not trying to evade
or avoid your question. I don't have it. I asked and was told we didn't
have that information. I'd be happy to go back and continue to see whether
we do have any information that wasn't readily available this morning. It's
a question that's going to be with us, I think, over the next days because
this is going to be the focus of Security Council scrutiny and, we
hope, action.
So it's a legitimate question. I'm not sure we have that information. I
would urge you to talk to the FRY and the Russian authorities in this
regard in the first instance.
QUESTION: The United States is leading the effort that has 31,000 troops
in Bosnia or in the region, and is keeping, supposedly, a watchful eye on
it. And if you don't sort of have a handle on arms transfers into Serbia, I
would be shocked, frankly.
MR. FOLEY: Well, I won't repeat ad nauseam my answer, Carol, but I agreed
to keep the question under review.
QUESTION: I don't understand your answer to Barry's earlier question.
What did the Russians agree to in London - that they would cease new arms
sales, or stop everything, including what's in the pipeline?
MR. FOLEY: Well, first of all, I won't bore you with all the details, and
I'm sure you've seen the Contact Group's statement, which we can make
available if you don't have it. But in the first instance, there was a
whole series of measures having to do with what I think is called
preventive diplomacy - allowing the international community, in one form or
another, access to the situation in the ground in an attempt to meet some
of the humanitarian needs of the people there, in an attempt to deter
further violence, in an attempt to assess human rights violations. For
example, we've called on the International Criminal Tribunal for the
former Yugoslavia to assess the events of the last week.
So there's a series of diplomatic steps that the Contact Group agreed to,
that Russia agreed to, as well. I could read them to you; there were at
least eight, I believe. Secondly, the members of the Contact Group took
four immediate concrete steps to which Russia associated itself to two of
them and reserved judgment on the other two. But the two that Russia
associated itself with included first, Security Council consideration of a
comprehensive arms embargo, as indicated; and secondly, a refusal on the
part of the Contact Group members to supply equipment to the FRY which
might be used for internal repression or for terrorism.
Now, the other two items that Russia did not - at least in London yesterday
- agree to involve denial of visas for senior FRY and Serbian representatives
responsible for repressive action by FRY security forces in Kosovo. I would
argue, most notably, the fourth specific action that was taken by the
Contact Group members minus Russia is perhaps one of the most significant
decisions taken yesterday. I would argue that this decision was not - would
not be substantially undermined by the failure of Russia to associate
itself with it, because it involves a moratorium on government-financed
export credit support for trade and investment, including government
financing for privatizations in Serbia.
The fact that the United States, together with the other Contact Group
members minus Russia, have agreed to this measure is very significant,
because this has been the principal source of income for Milosevic - the
sale of state-owned properties, using government-financed credit from
abroad. So if you're talking about making life more difficult for Milosevic,
we believe that that is an item that will impact significantly on his
ability to revive the Yugoslav economy; on his ability to finance the
repression; on his ability to achieve the integration - the re-integration
into the world economic system that he so ardently desires and which the
actions of the last week have undermined substantially.
QUESTION: I think you don't want to answer the question, but let me ask
it more specifically. What was the Russian position at London on arms -- an
immediate cessation of all arms deliveries, or just a cessation on new
contracts?
MR. FOLEY: Well, I read to you the relevant statement. I'll read it
again. UN Security Council consideration of a comprehensive arms embargo
against the FRY, including Kosovo. That's clear - that the forum for
decision is the Security Council; that we expect this to be taken up soon
in the days to come, principally because President Milosevic has been
placed under notice that he has about two weeks - until March 25 - to show,
to implement the demands of the international community expressed in
London.
QUESTION: My question was more specific than that. What was the Russian
position in London?
MR. FOLEY: To agree to Security Council consideration of a comprehensive
arms embargo against the FRY.
QUESTION: You talk about the ball being in Milosevic's court and the fact
that he's been placed on notice and that you're waiting for these punitive
measures to take effect. But aren't you worried that while you wait and sit
on the sidelines, this situation has a better likelihood of turning into
another Bosnia and the atrocities are going to grow?
MR. FOLEY: I would disagree with the premise of your question, and I
agree that it's a relevant question. But the whole purpose of the Contact
Group meeting yesterday in London, as expressed by Secretary Albright at
the conclusion of that conference, was precisely to draw the lessons of
Bosnia, when the international community temporized, undertook half-
measures and was constantly, until 1995, behind the curve of events in
Bosnia. She drew the parallel herself and argued, I think successfully, to
her colleagues in London that we needed to learn the lessons of Bosnia and
arrest the prospect of ethnic cleansing, of destabilizing and spreading
violence before events got out of control.
And she expressed her satisfaction with the results of the London meeting.
Milosevic is on notice; some severe measures have already been agreed to
and will begin to pinch; and he's got about two weeks to show that he's
heard the message and that he undertakes the kinds of steps - such as
removing repressive forces and beginning a dialogue -- to avoid the
prospects of further biting sanctions two weeks down the road.
QUESTION: So there's no concern that two weeks is a lot of time for him,
and you're giving him maybe a little more time than he deserves?
MR. FOLEY: I'm sure that two weeks is a reasonable amount of time to
judge whether or not he has gotten the message and reversed course.
QUESTION: The fact that Roberts Owen is now going to be doing Pacific
salmon, what does that say about the Brcko matter?
MR. FOLEY: It says that the Brcko matter, as I understand it, is due to
be adjudicated by Ambassador Owen, I believe, on Sunday of this week - some
five days hence.
QUESTION: And that will the end of it? You expect a final decision on
Brcko then?
MR. FOLEY: I have no information as to the nature of his decision. We'll
have to await that decision on Sunday.
QUESTION: This is a question that may have been asked before, and I
apologize in advance. Is it the Administration's official position that the
Kosovo Liberation Army is a terrorist group?
MR. FOLEY: No, we've not taken that decision. What we have said is that
specific acts - terrorist acts - have been committed in Kosovo over the
last weeks and months, perhaps. But we've not made that determination.
QUESTION: So if I can follow up, if that was said by a US official in a
public forum, that would be - if a State Department official said that the
Kosovo Liberation Army is a terrorist group, he would be wrong or stating
his own opinion or --
MR. FOLEY: Well, I really don't know what you're talking about.
QUESTION: If Robert Gelbard said that in a public forum, would that be
incorrect? Would he be --
MR. FOLEY: My understanding is what he has said is that there have been
terrorist acts committed by this group. To make a determination, as the
Secretary must, about the status of groups as terrorist organizations or
not, requires a significant amount of study, of legal analysis, of judgment
over time to make that kind of an assessment.
QUESTION: What is the US position vis-a-vis to this organization - the
KLA - finally? What is your position?
MR. FOLEY: I just answered that question.
QUESTION: Okay. Why your government, with the same token, has not
criticized Ankara, too, which is fighting millions of Kurdish people in the
southeast of Turkey? Why this policy of partiality vis-a-vis to Serbia and
Turkey on behalf of your government? Why is Serbia on that course, in
Yugoslavia but not Turkey? Could you please clarify the difference between
the two cases?
MR. FOLEY: Well, in terms of human rights in Turkey, we have an ongoing
dialogue with the Turkish Government about the human rights situation in
Turkey. Prime Minister Yilmaz was here to see the President. This was a
central feature of their discussion. Prime Minister Yilmaz described to the
President a significant action plan on human rights over the course of
1998. Assistant Secretary of State John Shattuck was in Turkey over the
last month and had a very productive series of meetings on this subject.
QUESTION: There have been so many massive killings in the past. Why your
government has not taken the same position in the case of Serbia?
Why?
MR. FOLEY: I can't accept the comparison. As I said, we have a significant
human rights agenda with the Turkish Government, which we continue to
pursue with them. In Kosovo, the fact of the matter is that there has been
no movement on the side of Belgrade to meet the legitimate political
grievances of the Kosovar-Albanians; and this failure to engage in an
honest and productive dialogue is at the root of the instability in Kosovo.
And for the Yugoslav authorities to claim the existence of terrorist acts
as a pretext for the kinds of shocking and outrageous repression that has
been occurring there is hypocritical, when, in fact, responsibility
ultimately is at their doorstep for failing to engage in serious dialogue
with the Kosovar-Albanians.
QUESTION: -- description of the KLA. Isn't somebody who commits terrorist
acts by definition a terrorist?
MR. FOLEY: If someone commits a terrorist act, he or she is a terrorist.
I can accept that definition.
QUESTION: So both Mr. Gelbard and yourself have accepted the fact that
the KLA has committed terrorist acts, but you're not sure if they are a
terrorist organization.
MR. FOLEY: Well, I explained, and I've already answered the question that
in order for the United States Government to make such a determination
requires time, requires legal analysis. We're talking about events that
have occurred over the last few weeks. We're not in a position to make that
determination.
There have been terrorist acts committed against innocent civilians. We're
not denying that in any way. But let's look at the larger picture here.
What's really happening is that Belgrade has refused to engage in a
dialogue over the future status of Kosovo - a status that would meet the
legitimate political needs of the people there. That is the root cause of
the instability; and it is hypocritical for Belgrade to claim that as a
pretext to try to excuse the outrageous repression that's occurred there in
the last few weeks.
QUESTION: Why doesn't the United States and the Contact Group apply the
same rules which they applied to Iraq when they made ethnic cleansing -
closing the north, for example, the Kurdish area is a non-flying zone and
the south the same thing? Why did these Western countries not think about
the same rule and regulation for the southern part of the Kosovo part of
Serbia?
MR. FOLEY: Well, I'm not going to get into, in a public forum, what we
may or may not be thinking about. We believe that first, we've got Mr.
Milosevic's attention as a result of the Contact Group meeting yesterday.
He has two weeks to demonstrate that he's gotten the message and that he's
willing to take acts to diffuse the situation. So we're going to be
watching carefully developments over the next two weeks.
QUESTION: -- on Russia, sort of?
MR. FOLEY: Sure, is this still connected with - oh, sorry, Carol.
QUESTION: On the Contact Group statement, there was a reference to the UN
force in Macedonia and the need to either consider expanding the mandate or
reconsidering. I wondered if you have any views on what should happen to
that force?
MR. FOLEY: Well, you're right, there was a reference to the situation in
Macedonia. We believe that the UN force called UNPREDEP has helped the
southward spread of conflict in the former Yugoslavia by deploying US and
Nordic troops to patrol and monitor conditions along the Macedonian
border.
Now, the UNPREDEP mandate is said to expire on August 31, but we believe
conditions in the region are such that the international community cannot
turn its back on Macedonia now. We must make certain that there is no
security vacuum after August 31. Last week's violence in Kosovo - which, of
course, borders Macedonia - and the Serbian Government's refusal to
demarcate their border with Macedonia show the need for continued
international military presence in Macedonia, as was agreed by the Contact
Group yesterday.
QUESTION: Will you be asking Congress to fund the United Nations -
(inaudible) --
MR. FOLEY: We've not made any decision at this point -- the mandate
doesn't expire until the end of August - as to what kind of international
military presence might remain. The Contact Group referred to that
consideration be given to adapting the current UNPREDEP mandate. So it's
premature to speculate on what that might be, Sid, but certainly we will be
discussing with Congress down the road what we think that kind of
international military presence might need to be.
QUESTION: So you're saying you might withdraw the American troops, then,
depending --
MR. FOLEY: I'm not saying anything one way or the other. I'm just saying
that the Contact Group agreed that there needed to be an ongoing international
military presence in Kosovo - in Macedonia.
QUESTION: You're not saying that the Clinton Administration's commitment
is such that American troops will stay there one way or the other?
MR. FOLEY: I'm not prejudging the outcome of discussions that we're going
to be having with our partners in the international community. It's now
March 10; the mandate expires, I believe, at the end of August. We have
some time to discuss that.
QUESTION: Can I ask you about The Washington Times report that the US
Embassy in Moscow has reported that the Russians are obstructing an
investigation of whether super-computers made in the United States are
being used in a nuclear program?
MR. FOLEY: I don't have a lot of details about that report, except that I
believe it was generally accurate that under that treaty there was an
attempt made to seek Russian cooperation that did not succeed. But we don't
believe that that avenue or channel, if you will, is the end of the line in
terms of our efforts. We continue to have a number of discussions at
various levels with the Russians to find a mutually satisfactory solution
regarding the high-performance computers in question.
The request that was reported is one step of many in an ongoing process. We
intend to revisit this issue with the Russians, and we will urge them to
reconsider. This matter is also the subject of an ongoing investigation by
the Department of Commerce and the US Customs Service under the direction
of the US Attorney's office. But we don't provide specific information
about ongoing investigations.
QUESTION: All you're asking to reconsider. You speak of the general
situation. So I'll go ahead and see if I can break this down. They said
this is the second time. What are you asking them to reconsider - I know
you say it's only one channel, but are you asking Russia to reconsider the
lack of cooperation or their renewed lack of cooperation?
MR. FOLEY: To reconsider the decision on providing access to the
computers.
QUESTION: And can I ask you, while we're here - while Gore and Chernomyrdin
are here, two things? Is this --
MR. FOLEY: I probably won't be able to help you a lot about the meetings
which are currently taking place.
QUESTION: No, no, but you might know if this issue is going to be taken
up or is being taken up. These computers - Russian-American cooperation --
MR. FOLEY: The Gore-Chernomyrdin Commission covers a broad array of
subjects, as you know. Export controls is one of those, and it could come
up in that context.
QUESTION: This morning's homilies didn't do much to tell us what's going
on here, and I suppose we have to wait until tomorrow afternoon, but --
MR. FOLEY: What religious ceremonies are you referring to?
QUESTION: Well, about the wonderful relationship between the US and
Russia, which is manifest every day in such stories as the lack of
cooperation in super-computers. Do you think this will wind up with another
declaration that the Duma's going to ratify the START treaty?
MR. FOLEY: Barry, I wouldn't want to --
QUESTION: Because we've heard it for about two-and-a-half years
now.
MR. FOLEY: I would not want to anticipate what may or may not be
announced tomorrow at the conclusion of the Commission meeting.
QUESTION: Is the US going to push for it again?
MR. FOLEY: Well, it's something that we are constantly discussing with
the Russians. And from President Yeltsin on down, they've told us that
ratification of START II in the Duma is a high government priority that
they continue to push for.
QUESTION: Are we disappointed it hasn't been - is the US disappointed it
hasn't been ratified?
MR. FOLEY: We would like it to be ratified as soon as possible.
QUESTION: Following my distinguished colleague, I may only have two or
three dozen questions, but anyway - would you bring us up to speed on --
MR. FOLEY: Which colleague?
QUESTION: Is this your annual visit to us?
QUESTION: Yes, Barry, it is, thank you.
MR. FOLEY: It sounds like the Senate. It's a change in the briefing
room.
QUESTION: Jim, would you bring us up to date on the apparent theft of the
classified documents? Tell us what you can, and I may have a question or
two follow-up.
MR. FOLEY: Well, you won't be surprised there's very little I can say
about an ongoing investigation. We take the incident seriously, and we're
cooperating fully with the investigation. Additional security measures are
being taken in the Department as result of the incident. In addition, we
are accelerating an overall review of security measures in the Department
to see if additional measures would be appropriate. But as there is an
ongoing investigation, I certainly cannot comment on the details.
QUESTION: Okay, can you tell us just briefly, what was the level of the
classification, and what was - how many documents were taken? And did any
of the documents pertain to the planned air strikes against Iraq?
MR. FOLEY: I'll give you two answers: first, there's an ongoing
investigation; I can't comment on the details. Secondly, one of the
purposes of the investigation is to determine whether, if any, there was a
compromise of national security information. And to speculate at this point
as to whether there was, in fact, such a compromise, when that has not been
established, is premature.
QUESTION: Can I just say one thing? The FBI, who apparently has the con
on this investigation, --
MR. FOLEY: I didn't hear your question.
QUESTION: Apparently, the FBI, which has the con - strike apparently. The
FBI, which has the con on this investigation --
MR. FOLEY: You're still going to have to define "con" to me.
QUESTION: All right, which has the primary responsibility for the
investigation, is throwing all information and all inquiries back to you.
So, we're now at a "Tinker to Evers to Chance" sort of thing -- I mean,
we're going full circle. You throw it to the FBI; the FBI throws it back to
you; we in the middle get nothing. Can you tell us - I mean, what you're
telling us --
MR. FOLEY: I can tell you that I'm not going to comment about an ongoing
investigation.
QUESTION: Okay, this came out yesterday. So there's no update since
yesterday; but can you tell us the extent of the investigation?
MR. FOLEY: And there may not be an update tomorrow. When we have the
results of the investigation, we'll be happy to share that with you.
QUESTION: Did I understand that the procedure will be instead of being
asked every day when the State Department can inform the public what
happened, you'll just volunteer it or Jamie? Or should we keep asking? I
don't expect you to be done in a day, but I mean, like next month?
MR. FOLEY: This is a matter of public interest, and it's a serious matter
that we're investigating. And I'm certain that we'll be in a position to
give you at least the broad results of the investigation when it's
completed.
QUESTION: Jim, what additional security measures have been taken?
MR. FOLEY: I don't have that information available for you. I'm not sure
I would be able to provide it, though, because they involve security
measures and that's not something we can discuss in a public forum.
QUESTION: Has anybody been reprimanded or in any way criticized for what
happened or didn't happen?
MR. FOLEY: This is an ongoing investigation, and I'm not in a position to
describe the results of the investigation that have not been arrived
at.
QUESTION: Are there any changes in personnel up there, except the normal -
apparently normal - rotation of the executive secretary?
MR. FOLEY: No, no, no. As has been indicated, it is premature to prejudge
the outcome or the conclusions of the investigation. These are typically
undertaken when an incident takes place, and they may result in findings of
nothing, of an innocuous event, or of something serious. And for us to
speculate about the nature of the incident is premature.
QUESTION: (Inaudible) told us yesterday this is over a month old? I mean,
how long does an investigation take to find out one, if something is
missing; and two, what's missing?
MR. FOLEY: It takes as long as it takes. This is a serious matter that
has to be taken to its conclusion.
QUESTION: Have any brown tweed jackets turned up?
(Laughter.)
MR. FOLEY: What are you wearing today, Sid?
QUESTION: I know Jim Anderson is wearing a brown tweed jacket.
MR. FOLEY: Or Carol Giacomo.
QUESTION: No, it's not brown.
QUESTION: Lee McClenny.
QUESTION: Jim, can you tell us, is this being investigated only in-house?
Is the FBI in-house --
MR. FOLEY: It's a combination of the FBI and the State Department's
diplomatic security office.
QUESTION: Did the State Department ask the FBI to cooperate?
MR. FOLEY: I believe so.
QUESTION: Jim, on a different subject, an Egyptian magazine, periodical
and newspaper ran a cartoon of Dan Kurtzer dressed up as a Hassidic Jew,
very derogatory. Do you have any comment on that?
MR. FOLEY: I don't have a prepared comment; I have a spontaneous reaction,
if you will. I saw the press report concerning that, and Ambassador Kurtzer
apparently has responded, I gather, just from reading the press report. But
of course it's an outrageous characterization and is something that not
only the United States finds abhorrent, but we would assume that our
friends in Egypt find abhorrent. Ambassador Kurtzer is a splendid
representative of the United States. He's doing a fine job, and as was
indicated in the press report, he's devoted a good bulk of his career
to improving relations between the United States and Egypt; and we
support him fully.
QUESTION: Did you tell the Egyptian Government any of this?
MR. FOLEY: This just came to my attention before coming in.
QUESTION: No, I don't mean you. I mean, all right, I'm sorry. Well, all
right, if - I know the story broke rather late today. I wonder if the US
Government is or has told the Egyptian Government, which it customarily
holds out as the prototypical moderate Arab government whose agreements
with Israel should serve as a model to further peace accords.
MR. FOLEY: What's your question, Barry?
QUESTION: Have you told the Egyptian Government how scurrilous you think
this attack is, or are you just telling us?
MR. FOLEY: Barry, as I --
QUESTION: I don't mean you, I mean the State Department.
MR. FOLEY: As I said, I just read this from a wire report coming in, and
on a personal basis I wanted to express my outrage and undoubtedly this is
something that would be discussed --
QUESTION: Well, we'll follow it up.
MR. FOLEY: But again, this cannot in any way reflect either the views of
the Egyptian Government or, I would assume, the views of the vast majority
of Egyptians, who, I think, value the principle of religious tolerance.
QUESTION: Can I ask on another subject? Do you have anything on the
health of King Fahd?
MR. FOLEY: I understand he had surgery; we wish him a speedy recovery. I
have no further information, though.
QUESTION: (Inaudible.)
MR. FOLEY: I understand that, yes.
QUESTION: What?
QUESTION: Is it gall bladder surgery?
MR. FOLEY: I don't have that information.
QUESTION: Yes, a few minutes ago, reading your press guidance, you
mentioned five times "Macedonia." I am wondering if your government changed
already the interim name, FYROM?
MR. FOLEY: I thank you for pointing that out, Mr. Lambros. The correct
term is FYROM, and you're right to point that out.
QUESTION: In a follow-up to the previous Turkish question, why is the
Contact Group not imposing a similar no-fly zone over southeast of Turkey
to protect the Kurdish people?
MR. FOLEY: I'm not sure I understand your question, Mr. Lambros.
QUESTION: The question is, why the Contact Group is not imposing too a no-
fly zone over the southeast of Turkey to protect the Kurdish people,
too?
MR. FOLEY: Turkey is a valued ally of the United States, and I'm not
going to entertain a provocative question of that nature.
QUESTION: Can I go to Indonesia? Do you have anything to say on the
manner in which Soeharto has re-appointed the president?
MR. FOLEY: The People's Consultative Assembly selected President Soeharto
to a seventh five-year term today. The selection took place in a manner
consistent with provisions of the Indonesian constitution. The United
States hopes President Soeharto will choose a cabinet that includes a
strong economic team as a signal of his intention to implement fully
Indonesia's IMF economic reform program, and to restore market confidence.
QUESTION: A couple of quick, almost logistical, questions about the
Balkans. The ethnic Albanians have - (inaudible) - yesterday said they had
asked, as Eliot Engel, for instance, the congressman who heads a caucus on
the Hill, that a special mediator be appointed for Kosovo. I wondered if
that's something that is being considered. And logistically, I wonder if we
could maybe induce you to ask Mr. Gelbard to have some sort of a session
with us when he returns.
MR. FOLEY: I wouldn't rule that out, Barry. Certainly there's been enough
news generated in the region that when he does return, I would be glad to
look into making him available.
Ambassador Gelbard's responsibilities are many, and Kosovo falls under the
general rubric of his responsibilities. But it could become a full-time job
in itself, so the State Department has designated Mr. James Swigert, who's
director of the Office of South Central European Affairs in the European
Bureau as deputy special representative. There was some reporting where the
word envoy was used; that's not the term of art here. He's going to
be Ambassador Gelbard's deputy special representative. In that capacity, he
will work closely with Special Representative Gelbard and be engaged full-
time with US policy on Kosovo.
QUESTION: Is he on his way there now, as we speak?
MR. FOLEY: I believe he's already there in the region.
QUESTION: Is he keeping his --
MR. FOLEY: Yes, he is.
QUESTION: -- his current job, though?
MR. FOLEY: Yes, that's my understanding.
QUESTION: He's going to have two hats.
MR. FOLEY: I'll get back to you if that's wrong.
QUESTION: And on King Fahd, you said he has had surgery. What do you
understand to be his condition coming out of it?
MR. FOLEY: I have no information on that. I just gave you all that I
have.
QUESTION: And he had the surgery today?
MR. FOLEY: I don't have that.
QUESTION: And how did you find out about it?
MR. FOLEY: By asking our - I asked our experts in the Middle Eastern
Bureau, if you want to know our procedures.
QUESTION: No, I'm just interested, did the Saudi Government inform you
that King Fahd headed back --
MR. FOLEY: To give you a serious answer, I'm not aware of that. I'm sure,
though, our embassy has been in contact with the Saudi Government or here
in Washington with the Saudi Embassy. I just don't have that for you.
QUESTION: I don't believe they've announced it in Saudi Arabia.
QUESTION: Well, then you have an in.
(Laughter.)
QUESTION: On Colombia - do you have any reaction to the elections that
were held on Sunday?
MR. FOLEY: We were very pleased to note that Colombian voters went to the
polls for the congressional elections in record numbers in support of the
democratic process, and in rejection of the guerrillas' calls for an
election boycott.
According to preliminary results, 8.8 million Colombians voted, which
represents a turnout of about 43 percent, which is 10 percent higher than
in 1994 when the last congressional elections were held. Although results
are still being finalized, it appears that the ruling liberal party
maintained its majority in both houses, and that there will be little
change in the overall political make-up of the Congress. We don't have
information at this time that the guerrilla violence significantly impeded
the voting.
QUESTION: I guess - is that it? No, there's one over there.
QUESTION: Barry's the emcee.
MR. FOLEY: Thank you, Barry.
QUESTION: Cuba. The Foreign Minister of Canada Friday said that the
problems in Cuba, like the prostitution and the --
MR. FOLEY: What on Cuba? I didn't hear the --
QUESTION: Prostitution.
MR. FOLEY: No, before that. Problems, you said?
QUESTION: Yes, the Foreign Minister of Canada said that the problems in
Cuba, like prostitution, the people suffering is not just because of
Castro's policies; it's also part of the effects of the Cuba - I mean, the
embargo, the US embargo. Do you have any response to that? Or is the
Secretary trying to --
MR. FOLEY: With Secretary Albright in Canada now, I would hesitate in any
way to characterize any aspect of US-Canadian relations. But our policy and
views on Cuba are certainly well-known.
Thank you.
QUESTION: Okay, thanks.
(The briefing concluded at 1:40 P.M.)
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