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U.S. Department of State Daily Press Briefing #80, 98-07-02

U.S. State Department: Daily Press Briefings Directory - Previous Article - Next Article

From: The Department of State Foreign Affairs Network (DOSFAN) at <http://www.state.gov>


778

U.S. Department of State
Daily Press Briefing

I N D E X

Thursday, July 2, 1998

Briefer: James P. Rubin

STATEMENTS
1		NIGERIA: Under Secretary Pickering's to lead high-level USG
		  delegation on trip
2-3		SUDAN: Humanitarian crisis affecting 1.2 million people
3		DEMOCRATIC REPUBLIC OF CONGO: US welcomes the release of
		  opposition leader Etienne Tshisekedi

NIGERIA 1 US welcomes recent statements on release of political prisoners 2 US welcomes UNSYG Annan's announcement on political prisoners as well 1-2 US encourages movement toward civilian rule 2 US sanctions on Nigerian remain in effect

CHINA 3-5 Munitions license dispute for Hughes Company under review by USG 5 US position on Taiwan issues has not changed

PALESTINIAN AUTHORITY 6 US strongly opposes enhanced status for the PLO at the UN 6-7 US strongly opposes unilateral actions on Jerusalem and other sensitive issues

PAKISTAN 7-8 US has no information to support asylum-seeker's claims on first-strike plans

CUBA 8 US continues to seek the return of several fugitives from US justice

SWITZERLAND 9 US shares goal of justice for Holocaust victims US believes sanctions in this case are unjustified, unwarranted and counterproductive

KOSOVO 10 Ambassador Hill is in Pristina today 10 Ambassador Gelbard will be in London this weekend, then on to Bosnia 10 US believes both sides need to be realistic about their objectives to solve the problem 10 Ambassador Holbrooke will meet with President Milosevic tomorrow in Belgrade 11-12 US has had and will continue to have contact with those who are fighting as part of an effort to bring about a cease-fire 12 US opposes Kosovo independence or joining with another state 12 US continues to work with Russian in calling for Milosevic to undertake moves called for by the Contact Group


U.S. DEPARTMENT OF STATE
DAILY PRESS BRIEFING

DPB #80

THURSDAY, JULY 2, 1998, 12:55 P.M.

(ON THE RECORD UNLESS OTHERWISE NOTED)

MR. RUBIN: Welcome to the State Department briefing - a sporadic turnout; perhaps people started their vacations a little early. But we here are working.

Let me start by announcing the following. At the invitation of the government of Nigeria and under the direction of President Clinton, Under Secretary of State for Political Affairs Thomas Pickering plans to lead a senior-level delegation to Nigeria next week. The purpose of the visit is to offer our support for the new leadership's recent release of political prisoners and to discuss steps we think could facilitate the transition to democratic civilian government in Nigeria. This visit underscores the importance we attach to democracy and reform in this important country in Africa.

This will be an inter-agency delegation, including Assistant Secretary Susan Rice, the Deputy Commander-in-Chief of the European Command, General James Jamerson, the NSC Director for African Affairs, a USAID assistant administrator, as well as ambassador and other political advisors. This will be posted after the briefing.

QUESTION: With all the aid representation, it means the visit will be sprinkled with money, I'm sure. Is this a recognition of Nigeria's size and importance; or is it more than that - has the Administration come to at least some tentative conclusions about where Nigeria is going politically now?

MR. RUBIN: Let me say the following. We are welcoming recent announcements that have come out of Nigeria that all political prisoners will soon be released. We've always believed that the release of political prisoners could be a key step in the transition to civilian government. We hope these steps will be taken soon. Taking those steps would increase our optimism about the commitment of the new Nigerian leadership to respect for human rights and to ensuring swift transition to civilian democratic rule in Nigeria.

The point is that there is a moment of opportunity here. General Abubakar has an opportunity to help bring Nigeria out of the isolation it's found itself in as a result of the actions he takes. We want to encourage that; we want to be encouraging where they have taken steps; and we want to urge further steps towards a transition to civilian rule. That will be the basic purpose of the mission.

QUESTION: Is it your understanding that Abiola is going to be the leader?

MR. RUBIN: Well, we've seen the announcement by Secretary General Annan; we don't have any further confirmation of it. He indicated that he expects it to happen; we have no reason to dispute that. We welcome it and we'd like to see that happen.

QUESTION: Does the visit take place after the release?

MR. RUBIN: Again, there is no timing set for the release, to my knowledge. I think he said he expected it to happen. This trip will take place - they will leave over the weekend. They will meet with General Abubakar on July 7. So whether that is before or after this hoped for release, we'll have to see.

QUESTION: And I assume the delegation will be pressing Nigeria on further democratization.

MR. RUBIN: As I indicated in response to Barry's question, we welcome what's happened so far and we want it to continue, and we want there to be a transition to civilian democratic rule.

QUESTION: And elections this year that would be democratic?

MR. RUBIN: Following through on the plan for elections so that one can have a civilian rule. Moving beyond Nigeria, let me say --

QUESTION: Just one more about Nigeria -- the previous attempt to send Mr. Pickering to Nigeria, which was - well, General Abacha came to - (inaudible) -- in a dispute over visas for prominent Nigerian -

MR. RUBIN: We have no reason to believe that that will happen.

QUESTION: But those regulations are still in force; are they not?

MR. RUBIN: We haven't changed our sanctions on Nigeria officials, correct. To my knowledge, in preparation for this trip, the only thing that has happened now is that this new government wants to see Under Secretary Pickering and the last one obviously didn't.

On Sudan, we will be posting a statement, but let me say the following. There are serious food shortages that exist in a broad area of Southern Sudan. Currently, more than 1.2 million people urgently require food aid. This crisis has been caused by three years of serious drought, 15 years of civil war, the refusal of flight clearances by the government of Sudan for UN-sponsored relief flights, and scorched-Earth military campaigns by government-supported militias.

We are the largest funder of Operation Lifeline Sudan, a UN-sponsored program. The US has contributed more than $700 million since it was founded. This year our contribution already exceeds $70 million. Supplemental contributions by the United States, the United Kingdom, Norway and other countries have permitted Operation Lifeline Sudan to increase the size of its air fleet substantially.

We were encouraged by recent announcements in April that they would stop impeding relief flights, and we continue to urge the government of Sudan to keep this pledge. Let's bear in mind, we are talking about 1.2 million people who urgently require food aid. We are trying to do what we can and we think more should be done by others.

On this subject?

QUESTION: No, something else.

MR. RUBIN: All right. We have several more announcements first. It's an announcement day.

The Department of State welcomes the release from internal exile of Etienne Tshisekedi, leader of the opposition Union for Democracy and Social Progress party in the DROC. We urge the Democratic Republic of the Congo to follow this positive development with other democratic measures, such as addressing human rights concerns and opening up the political system. Tshisekedi was detained on February 12 and we are welcoming his release.

The United States will also be sponsoring an international seminar on trafficking in women. We'll be posting that after the briefing. We also will be posting a statement of the monitoring group on Lebanon and a statement of concern about recent disturbances in Algeria.

With our statements covered, let's turn to your questions.

QUESTION: The obvious one about the general's son -- you and The Times affirming or confirming a denial blocking the general's son from participating in the satellite? What new evidence has come to light, and is it a technicality? Isn't it a Commerce license?

MR. RUBIN: No, the part of the license that we are reviewing is a State Department license. At the time of the original license, the fact of his relationship with the officials in the Peoples Liberation Army was not known. We are continuing to develop information about this matter. We have decided for now to suspend a munitions license for Hughes that permits a Chinese foreign national to perform interpretation services for Hughes in non-sensitive areas of its civilian satellite program.

The foreign national was already in the employ of Hughes under the auspices of a Department of Commerce general license prior to the submission of a munitions license application in '96 where there are different standards that apply. We are continuing to review this matter. We have asked the company for additional information. We will determine whether the work that was being done and performed was within the scope of the license.

After we receive the additional information from the company and make our determination, the license may be reinstated or revoked permanently. We have not suspended the license because the person is the son of a member of the PLA. The license has been suspended because we have decided to review all of the facts and circumstances surrounding his work at Hughes.

QUESTION: (Inaudible) - can be said of anyone, I suppose. Obviously there are personal limitations here. But do you want to give any indication what it is that triggered this -- what is distressing or what is the State Department wondering about?

MR. RUBIN: Well, I think we take enormous precautions any time we are dealing with licenses of this kind. We are checking out every piece of information we have. This action is taken as a result of a law enforcement investigation and information that has recently been brought to our attention that we are not at liberty to discuss publicly, and we have coordinated our action with law enforcement officials. But all of these areas are very sensitive areas that do not lend themselves to any specific discussion.

QUESTION: Mr. Shen was granted a license in 1996 when Hughes applied for another deal that is now under, I believe, investigation and you all didn't - he wasn't probed or it was just routine. He was given a license to be an interpreter and that seemed to be the end of it. And now this time, it's different. What makes - not to push you beyond what you can or can not say, but what makes it different this time? He already has a history of you granting him a license in the past. Why deny it now?

MR. RUBIN: Again, you have these very complicated issues. They involve a Commerce license on the one hand, and a State Department license on the other. Based on information that is available to us and the existence of a law enforcement investigation, we have decided to suspend the license and seek further information from Hughes. Based on that further information, we will then decide whether to reinstate the license or to revoke it.

As you can see from my answers to Barry's questions, I do not intend to discuss the nature of this information.

QUESTION: So would you say - just to follow up - you mention his involvement with the People's Liberation Army --

MR. RUBIN: No, I merely mentioned that, as I said in response to Barry's question, the fact that he is the son of a PLA officer is not in and of itself disqualifying. The question is, how will the activities that are undertaken by the company fall within the scope of the license. Then, with respect to other matters that we are looking into, we will make our judgment. But I have no details to provide you on that.

QUESTION: I understand - just to follow up; this is not related to him - it's sort of related. Hughes has applied for another - they've submitted application for another license for another deal, and I understand that the State Department is blocking that for further review because of the --

MR. RUBIN: The words you've chosen are incorrect; we're not blocking anything. We're reviewing a number of cases, and we always review them when proposals are made to upgrade technology. We review them - we don't block things - until we've made a decision to allow or not allow. We're reviewing requests for upgrades.

QUESTION: I understand that this is not the reason that the license was suspended, but at the time it was issued, did you say you did not know he was the son of a PLA general?

MR. RUBIN: That's my understanding.

QUESTION: Can I ask you about Taiwan? Has there been any change in US policy with what the President said a couple of days ago, or do you see it as being essentially a continuation of our existing policy?

MR. RUBIN: First of all, as a general practice, I did suggest that with respect to matters China, I was going to refer most of those questions to the party in China. But in this case, I think it's fair to say that from this podium the fact that we have a position on not supporting Taiwan independence, not supporting one-China, one-Taiwan, not supporting Taiwan membership in international organizations that require a party to be a state, is something that I've said from this podium. In fact, I remember saying it. And it's something that, for those of you who accompanied the Secretary to China, she said in China several months ago. So that statement of policy is not new. Some take it more seriously because it's now been said by the President. But as a matter of the official US Government policy, that's something that I've said from this podium, and that Secretary Albright has said in China.

QUESTION: If I might just ask a follow-up - would, at some point, this need to be dealt with as a treaty matter? I mean, to play this out over a period of some years, and perhaps the reunification process going more smoothly.

MR. RUBIN: Wow, we're deep into the world of hypotheticals.

QUESTION: I mean, we're going to get to the year 2002, 2005 sometime and a decision like that --

MR. RUBIN: And at that time, I'll be happy to talk about matters like that.

(Laughter.)

QUESTION: Well, it maybe too - my feeling is that it may be a little late at that point.

MR. RUBIN: I don't know how to go beyond what our current policy is.

QUESTION: The Palestinians are not a state, either, but they're doing a darn sight better than Taiwan - in the UN, certainly. The PLO --

MR. RUBIN: Good one, Barry; nice transition.

QUESTION: It's a transition. A two-part question - they say they have a parliament, and they're sending delegates here. I wondered, are they going to see members of Congress? I wondered if the State Department is going to do anything for them; will they get access to Albright or someone high up, other than Albright? And how goes the issue of status for the PLO at the UN?

MR. RUBIN: The United States is strongly opposed to enhanced status for the PLO at the United Nations, both because of its potentially negative effects on the peace process and because of the bad precedent it would set for the UN system itself.

We have repeatedly urged other UN members to oppose this move, and we have urged both Israel and the Palestinians in general to avoid unilateral actions that would prejudge the outcome of negotiations. We view this effort as just such a unilateral action; therefore, we oppose it.

Let me say it is particularly unwelcome at this delicate time in the peace process, when we are seeking to break the current impasse and move the peace process forward, for this kind of step to be taken. We oppose it; we think it's exactly the kind of unilateral action for which the Secretary called both sides to take a time-out.

QUESTION: You can't stop it, though, can you?

MR. RUBIN: In the General Assembly, it's --

QUESTION: You need help.

MR. RUBIN: It's not a question of the United States having a veto. Let me say that we have made these views known to the other members who are involved, and we have made clear the harm we think it could do to the peace process. But again, it's in the General Assembly, it's a different story.

With respect to future travel of Palestinian officials, I haven't been alerted to it. I haven't heard of too many Palestinian officials getting visits with the Secretary. It happens, but they have to be quite senior. But I'm not aware of any scheduling arrangements for that.

QUESTION: Chairman Arafat had comments, I believe, yesterday, talking about how the Palestinians will defend Jerusalem any way we can; no peace, security without the return of Jerusalem. Do you have any comment on those comments?

MR. RUBIN: I haven't seen the specific translation of his comments. I think what it points up is that Jerusalem is an extremely sensitive issue, and it's an issue that we think unilateral actions should not be taken. That is why we made very clear our opposition to the Israeli Government's decisions two weeks ago.

QUESTION: How about --

MR. RUBIN: Can I finish the answer to the question, please?

QUESTION: Oh, sorry, I thought you were done.

MR. RUBIN: We have made clear our opposition to the specific unilateral actions that prejudge outcomes that could be negotiated. That is quite clear. And the kind of reaction that it has caused by the Palestinians is precisely the kind of reaction that makes us oppose these moves, because it makes it harder for the sides to get to yes, to get to an agreement; and it makes it easier for the finger-pointing to start again and the name-calling and the rhetoric, rather than the serious work of negotiating peace arrangements.

So I have not seen a particular comment by Chairman Arafat, but your paraphrase of it struck me as something that I would want to see the translation before I would comment, because I think I understand the implication of your paraphrase.

But again -

QUESTION: I will paraphrase it a little more mildly.

MR. RUBIN: Perhaps. But let's - I'd rather see it and make a comment once I saw the specific comment.

QUESTION: I have a question about Japanese bank reforms. The Japanese Liberation Party just released a detailed bank reform plan just today, including the bridge bank system. How do you evaluate such an effort?

MR. RUBIN: Well, I have not been provided with specific information on that, and we'd be happy to get it for you after the briefing.

QUESTION: Do you have anything more on that Pakistani asylum seekers, since we don't call them defectors? Anything more to indicate whether his story is credible?

MR. RUBIN: We have no information to support this person's claim that Pakistan was planning a preemptive strike on Indian nuclear facilities, and we note significant discrepancies in his story as reported in the press.

QUESTION: Can you touch on any of the discrepancies?

MR. RUBIN: I fought very hard for that sentence. That wasn't good enough for you?

(Laughter.)

QUESTION: What do we do for a second paragraph?

QUESTION: Jamie, what is the status of efforts by the State Department to obtain the extradition of suspected criminals in at least two cases of alleged cop killers from Cuba? And after you get through with your answer, I have a follow-up.

MR. RUBIN: There are several people involved here and I am fearing that I will mess up their names, but since they are prisoner escapees I am not going to worry about it that much.

(Laughter.)

Ms. Chesimard escaped from prison in 1979 where she was serving a life sentence for the murder of a New Jersey state trooper, and fled to Cuba where she was given asylum. The United States has sought her return but the Cuban Government has refused to do so. We do have an extradition treaty signed in 1904 providing for the mutual extradition of fugitives from justice. The treaty entered into force in 1905 and was supplemented by an additional extradition treaty in 1926. They haven't been invoked, presumably, because the Castro Government won't abide by the treaties. The United States has sought the return of this woman, but the government has refused. We will continue to seek the return of Chesimard and other fugitives from justice to the United States.

QUESTION: I didn't want to mention names because it's usually an excuse for you to say you don't talk about specific cases, but as long as you've talked about Ms. Chesimard, do you have anything specifically on Michael Finney (as heard) and Charles Hill who are allegedly accused of allegedly killing a New Mexico patrolman?

MR. RUBIN: As I understand it from one of my able deputies here, the cases are identical in their basic form in that we are seeking extradition and the Cuban Government has not allowed extradition.

QUESTION: Okay. And the follow-up that I alluded to was -

MR. RUBIN: Clearly, we don't have a normal relationship with Cuba; and our ability to get their cooperation in this matter is certainly affected by the lack of such a normal relationship.

QUESTION: Okay. Well, that may have answered the question because Cuba's response generally is that extradition is a two-way street, and that there are a number of people accused of murder here in the US that Cuba would like back.

MR. RUBIN: As I recall, sometimes when there are murderers in Cuba they send them to the United States. So they need to make up their mind whether they want to send them here or ask for their return. And let me simply say that if we have a convicted murderer, they should be returning these people to the United States.

QUESTION: On Switzerland, the Swiss banks -- Switzerland put out a statement today saying that the sanctions pending against the Swiss banks could jeopardize relations with the United States. I'm wondering if you have a reaction.

MR. RUBIN: Well, let me first of all say we share the goal of the committee that justice be done to victims of the Holocaust. We have been committed to that goal and have demonstrated that commitment time and time again. We believe it is imperative to deal with aging and fragile Holocaust survivors as promptly as possible. That is why Under Secretary Eizenstat has spent considerable amount of time in his role as a facilitator to work with the parties to the class action law suit to reach a settlement and achieve a prompt and just resolution of this matter while these people are still in a position to receive the benefit of this settlement.

We continue to believe that sanctions are unjustified, unwarranted and counter-productive. They will prevent our nation from speaking with one voice on matters of foreign policy; they will call into question the openness of our financial markets; and they may lead to greater inflexibility on the part of the Swiss institution. A prolonged litigation is not in the interest of either side. It will deny prompt justice to victims in their lifetime and delay closure on this issue. We call on both sides to reflect on the consequences of going down the road of protracted litigation and recriminations. Before any actions are taken, we ask both sides to consider a return to the negotiating table.

QUESTION: Something that we talked about yesterday and you helped straighten me out. I'm going to go back to it. The matter of -

MR. RUBIN: I hope I can straighten you out again.

QUESTION: Well, okay. Please, if you can, enlighten me further on the type of treaty that the United States and the PRC entered into with regard to the de-targeting of ballistic missiles. And secondly, is there any kind of an inspection regime that goes along with that or is that to be worked out?

MR. RUBIN: Let me - if you don't mind, there has been a great deal of information provided by the party in Beijing about these activities. It is not a treaty, as I understand it. But there was a long briefing on it and there are several fact sheets; and I would like us to provide that for you immediately after the briefing lest I incorrectly state what is a very complex issue.

QUESTION: Did you see anything about visitation of either party -

MR. RUBIN: You'll get a full chance to look at all that information when we provide it to you.

QUESTION: Thank you.

MR. RUBIN: On Kosovo, Ambassador Hill is in Pristina today meeting with Dr. Rugova, whose role is indispensable in this process. Ambassador Holbrooke will be returning to Belgrade tomorrow to join Ambassador Hill in a meeting with Slobodan Milosevic. Ambassador Gelbard will be in London over the weekend to deliver a speech and then moving on to Bosnia. So we continue a full court diplomatic press to try to prevent this conflict from growing and spreading.

QUESTION: Can I ask you a question? The US seems to be in something of a bind in the sense that you're trying to sell a solution that neither side wants; that is, autonomous status of some kind for Kosovo within the FRY or Serbia, whichever the case may be. Obviously -

MR. RUBIN: The FRY.

QUESTION: Well, that's to be determined, isn't it?

MR. RUBIN: That's our position.

QUESTION: Okay, all right, fine. But the Kosovars want independence and Milosevic doesn't want to grant that autonomy. So how do you go about selling this solution?

MR. RUBIN: You've clearly analyzed the situation well. This is a difficult problem. The question is what do we do about it. We believe this is a difficult problem that we need to try to bring home to both sides the fact that they will be worse off if they don't solve the problem. The Kosovar Albanians, if they hold out the hope of an independence that the international community is not going to provide, they will only decrease the chances of improving their autonomy and improving their lives. Similarly, if President Milosevic doesn't finally get the message that the cracking down on the Kosovar Albanians is only making it impossible for his country to be rehabilitated and making it impossible for his own people to operate in Kosovo, which is becoming increasingly controlled by the - in at least, as I said yesterday, some one-third of the territory - by the Kosovar Liberation Army. The art of diplomacy is to convince the parties and the leaders that they're not being realistic about their objective, and that they need to get realistic if they want to benefit their country.

That is what Ambassadors Gelbard, Holbrooke and Hill are trying to do with the parties - with Slobodan Milosevic and with Dr. Rugova - is convince them that their maximal objectives and continued pursuit of them are only going to redown to the disadvantage harm of their people.

QUESTION: Can you tell us more about Holbrooke and Milosevic - they're meeting tomorrow? I think you mentioned that yesterday.

MR. RUBIN: Right, I mentioned it today; you now have a little tidbit. But as far as what the substance of it is, I think that most of us know that when Ambassador Holbrooke meets with Slobodan Milosevic, they've made an agreement not to discuss publicly what happens. Obviously, the objective is the same - is to get President Milosevic to realize that he's leading his country down the path to ruin and that it's time for him to get it through his head that the only course of wisdom is to pull back his forces, stop the crackdown, stop the use of heavy military equipment and start the use of the good sense of negotiations to resolve this problem.

QUESTION: Who called for the meeting -- can you --

MR. RUBIN: I don't know the answer to that. I'm sure they had talked about the possibility of talking again. Ambassador Hill, again, is on the ground, shuttling back and forth between the Kosovar Albanians and the Serbs in Belgrade. Ambassador Gelbard is playing his role in Bosnia, and also with respect to other meetings. So who called for the meeting, I have no idea.

QUESTION: Any plans to meet with the KLA again?

MR. RUBIN: On that subject, let me say that, as I indicated yesterday, it would be foolhardy for us not to realize that the necessities of a cease- fire require discussions with those who are in ability, in a position to enforce and implement such a cease-fire. So we're going to be quite realistic in trying to make that happen. But I'm not going to get in a position of commenting every time such a discussion is held.

Let me say this - once the monitoring mission is in Kosovo, we would expect the monitors to be in regular contact with everyone there. But as far as what the purpose of our contact was that Ambassador Gelbard undertook was to make them understand that there were limits to what they could expect from the international community and the importance of a cease-fire. So we're not going to be in a position of commenting every time there's a contact.

But the fact of the contact is something we've made well-known. Right, nice haircut.

QUESTION: Has the KLA agreed to ensure the security of the monitors?

MR. RUBIN: I'm not going to be in a position to comment on the discussions that were had of that kind.

QUESTION: But on that issue, I mean, there's a view in Europe that in Kosovo there are civilians taking up arms; that they're not actually - the KLA is not an organized fighting force.

MR. RUBIN: I think there is a view everywhere, and there's no different analysis of the situation in Europe and the United States. I don't understand the --

QUESTION: No, that's not the point, I'm saying that is your view that the KLA is an organized - I mean, is as organized as you think it is that it's able to send the word on down to hold a cease-fire?

MR. RUBIN: I don't think we've ever said it's an organized army. I think what we've said is that if you want to have a cease-fire, you have to begin to have contact with those who are fighting. I think that anyone who wants to have a cease-fire knows that you need to have contact with those who are fighting. So we've said we would be prepared to have such contact in principle. We had such contact. I would expect us to continue to have contact at the appropriate times and places; I'm just not going to get into all the details of it.

But in general, I think what I was trying to point, in response to Judd's question, is that once the monitors are in place and they're talking to all of the people who control different parts of the territory in Kosovo, they will be coming into regular contact with fighters who may have the KLA patch on their uniform. The fact that this is not an organized army is not news to us here in the United States.

QUESTION: But how do you talk to them? I mean, how do you know that the people you're talking to can deliver?

QUESTION: (Inaudible) - Rugova as easily as the KLA.

MR. RUBIN: I don't think that's obvious. I mean, I think most people who have looked into this situation, including people in Europe, have agreed that if you want a cease-fire, you need the KLA to cooperate. The KLA is a disparate organization; the extent of its unity is open to question. But that doesn't mean you shouldn't talk to them because you're not confident that your contact is going to yield results. It depends on what your objective here is.

Your objective is to get a cease-fire and to get one side to stop the fighting or both sides to stop the fighting; ours is both sides. Anyone who doesn't want to talk to the KLA must have not that interest in mind.

QUESTION: Jamie, Ambassador Holbrooke must have changed his schedule to go to Belgrade, because I think he was originally due to be in Germany tomorrow; is that correct?

MR. RUBIN: I don't know what his schedule is, but I know that he's going to be in Belgrade tomorrow. I don't know what his schedule was, but I did speak to him this morning and know that is his intention.

QUESTION: What, Jamie, does the US say to those ethnic Albanians and those descendants of Turks that would have a greater stake in that area for Muslims?

MR. RUBIN: We are opposed to independence for Kosovo, and therefore, we're even more opposed to any attempt to join such an independent entity with another country nearby. That would be a prescription for danger and further danger in the region.

QUESTION: Where do the Russians stand right now, in terms of do they still oppose the military intervention in Kosovo in case the --

MR. RUBIN: Well, you'd have to talk to the Russians about their position. As far as we're concerned, we are working closely with the Russians on those areas where we do agree, and that is the requirements that President Milosevic undertake pursuant to the Contact Group's decision. NATO planning continues. As far as what their ultimate position would be on any UN resolution, you'd have to ask them.

We certainly hope they realize that this is something that does threaten the stability of the region, and that President Milosevic is someone who needs to be dealt with firmly if we're going to have any progress.

QUESTION: Thank you.

(The briefing concluded at 1:30 P.M.)


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