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OMRI Pursuing Balkan Peace, No. 40, 96-10-08
From: Open Media Research Institute <http://www.omri.cz>
Pursuing Balkan Peace
No. 40, 8 October 1996
CONTENTS
[01] BELGRADE AND SARAJEVO ESTABLISH FULL DIPLOMATIC RELATIONS
[02] BOSNIAN SERBS BOYCOTT PRESIDENCY, PARLIAMENT.
[03] BOSNIAN SERB RULING PARTY LOSES TWO-THIRDS RS PARLIAMENT MAJORITY.
[04] CROATS LEAVE INAUGURAL SESSION OF SARAJEVO CANTONAL ASSEMBLY.
[05] BOSNIAN LOCAL ELECTIONS TO GO AHEAD IN NOVEMBER.
[06] BOSNIAN MUSLIMS AND CROATS AGREE ON ARMY JOINT COMMAND.
[07] MORE MUJAHEDEEN FOR BOSNIA?
[08] PENTAGON: U.S. TROOPS IN BOSNIA UNTIL MARCH.
[09] BOSNIAN PRIME MINISTER URGES DONORS TO KEEP PROMISES . . .
[10] . . . AND ASKS IMF TO RESCHEDULE BOSNIAN DEBTS.
[11] JUSICI REFUGEES GO HOME.
[12] SECOND ATTACK ON BOSNIAN CROAT OPPOSITION POLITICIAN.
[13] MINERS END STRIKE THREAT.
[14] U.S. ENVOY DISCUSSES UN MANDATE IN EASTERN SLAVONIA.
[15] UN OFFERS TO BUY WEAPONS FROM CROATIAN SERBS.
[16] UN SECURITY COUNCIL LIFTS SANCTIONS AGAINST BELGRADE . . .
[17] . . . WHILE 'OUTER WALL' OF SANCTIONS REMAINS.
[18] IS AVRAMOVIC A REAL THREAT TO MILOSEVIC?
[19] POWER PLAY.
[01] BELGRADE AND SARAJEVO ESTABLISH FULL DIPLOMATIC RELATIONS
Bosnian President Alija Izetbegovic and Serbian President Slobodan Milosevic
agreed in Paris on 3 October that Bosnia-Herzegovina and the Federal Republic
of Yugoslavia will exchange ambassadors. The move marks one more step toward
restoring peace and normal relations to the region, but the process is still
far from complete. The heads of the two former Yugoslav republics met in the
French capital at the invitation of President Jacques Chirac. The French
leader acted as mediator, thereby not only helping to secure the agreement but
also to restore some of France's prestige in the region after nearly a year of
American diplomatic preeminence.
Izetbegovic and Milosevic also promised to institute visa-free travel,
reestablish communications links, and promote mutual economic relations. They
recognized the historic continuity of each other's respective states, while
noting that the issue of legal succession to the former Yugoslavia will have
to be settled in keeping with international norms and by the agreement of
all concerned, Nasa Borba reported on 8 October. This means that
before Milosevic's Federal Republic of Yugoslavia can achieve full
international legitimacy as "Yugoslavia," the division of the assets and
property of the former Yugoslavia will have to be settled to the satisfaction
of all five successor states.
The agreement is, moreover, peppered with words like "cooperation" and
"friendship" and appears to be yet another step toward normalizing relations
in the region. Each side made a major concession in the process. First,
Sarajevo seems to have backed away from taking Belgrade to the Hague-based war
crimes tribunal on charges of genocide stemming from Serbia's role in the
Bosnian war, Izetbegovic's subsequent denials that this is the case
notwithstanding. This appears evident from the passage in the agreement that
each side will refrain from "political and legal acts which do not contribute
to the improvement of friendly relations and cooperation." Secondly, federal
Yugoslavia agreed to respect the territorial integrity of its neighbor,
thereby implicitly repudiating the idea of a greater Serbia that would include
Bosnian territory.
Bosnian Serb President Biljana Plavsic consequently issued a communique on 4
October blasting Milosevic as having betrayed the Serbs of Bosnia and Croatia,
AFP reported. This is not the first time that the Bosnian Serb leadership has
accused him of treason, and Pale had also made it clear on the eve on the
Paris meeting that it felt that a deal was being made at the Bosnian
Serbs' expense.
Media commentary suggests, however, that Milosevic's eye was not on the
Bosnian Serbs but on his own voters. They go to the polls in general elections
next month and are concerned chiefly with bread-and-butter issues. He recently
secured some political capital with them when the UN voted to lift sanctions
against Belgrade as a result of his support for the Dayton agreement.
Milosevic will likely present the normalization of relations with Sarajevo to
the voters as one more example of his new-found commitment to peace and
prosperity. Meanwhile, a number of questions remain regarding the new
agreement. Will the parties make good on their pledges, or will this be just
one more example of promises made and immediately broken? Even if Sarajevo and
Belgrade try to follow through, can the Serbs of Pale derail their efforts?
And how much political will and time will be involved before the five states
to emerge from Tito's Yugoslavia can settle the main legal questions stemming
from the succession, and Milosevic's state can openly inherit the name
"Yugoslavia"? -- Patrick Moore
[02] BOSNIAN SERBS BOYCOTT PRESIDENCY, PARLIAMENT.
The answer from Pale, in any event, was not long in coming. Bosnian Serb
Representatives failed to attend the opening of the new all-Bosnian
legislature and a session of the three-man presidency in Sarajevo on 5 October,
Oslobodjenje reported. Krajisnik said that he feared for the Serbs' safety,
but it also appears that he was unwilling to take the loyalty oath to Bosnia-
Herzegovina that was administered at the session. The Bosnian Serb leadership
was also probably still angry that Izetbegovic agreed to establish relations
with Belgrade without consulting Pale. Krajisnik denied that he and the others
had staged a boycott but instead stressed the safety issue and added that the
Serbs are ready to participate in joint institutions. International officials
have protested to Pale, but it is not clear who has the next move in the
ongoing chess game. -- Patrick Moore
[03] BOSNIAN SERB RULING PARTY LOSES TWO-THIRDS RS PARLIAMENT MAJORITY.
The Serbian Democratic Party (SDS) may have other considerations as well.
Although it won parliamentary polls in the Republika Srpska (RS), it has a
sharply reduced majority that will not enable it to overturn decisions of the
Bosnian presidency, AFP reported on 30 September. According to results
certified by the OSCE, the SDS won 45 seats out of 83 in the Bosnian Serb
parliament, down from the 76 seats it held previously. Either Bosnian entity's
parliament can veto the presidency's decisions, but only with a two-thirds
majority. The parliament is also no longer purely Serb, with 17 Muslim
deputies and one Croat. The Party of Democratic Action (SDA), the leading
Muslim party, is the second largest party in the RS parliament with 14 seats.
The Serb opposition Alliance for Peace and Progress is third with 10 seats. --
Daria Sito Sucic
[04] CROATS LEAVE INAUGURAL SESSION OF SARAJEVO CANTONAL ASSEMBLY.
Nor are the Serbian nationalists the only unhappy nationalists around Bosnia-
Herzegovina. Members of the leading Croatian Democratic Community (HDZ) staged
a walkout on 5 October at the first meeting of a lower-level parliament body
to protest their lack of power in the Muslim-dominated assembly, AFP reported.
Deputies of the assembly representing the HDZ arrived in the municipal center
building but then walked out before taking the oath. In the 14 September
Bosnian vote for Sarajevo's cantonal assembly, the HDZ won only 6%, while the
SDA won 59% of the vote. But although Sarajevan Croats did not vote for it and
preferred anti-nationalist parties instead, the HDZ wants one-third of the
power in the Sarajevo canton, Oslobodjenje reported on 7 October. Before
they left the session, the HDZ deputies indicated that their party and the SDA
were making a deal about Sarajevo's future structure -- causing a strong
reaction from the opposition deputies. -- Daria Sito Sucic
[05] BOSNIAN LOCAL ELECTIONS TO GO AHEAD IN NOVEMBER.
And voting continues to be in the news. The OSCE's supervisor of the Bosnian
elections, U.S. diplomat Robert Frowick, said on 4 October that the vote for
local officials will go ahead on 22-24 November (see below). It is not clear
what he intends to do about the extensive political engineering that had been
involved in the voter registration process and forced the postponement of the
local ballot from the original 14 September date. Frowick said that he wants
the elections to take place before the international military presence is
reduced or withdrawn, the BBC noted. But critics claim that he is under strong
political pressure from the Clinton administration to wind things up as
quickly as possible, so that the president can claim to the U.S. electorate
that things are proceeding on schedule and that there will be no open-ended
American commitment to Bosnia. -- Patrick Moore
[06] BOSNIAN MUSLIMS AND CROATS AGREE ON ARMY JOINT COMMAND.
Before the U.S. leaves Bosnia, Washington would like to have that country's
military built up and able to defend itself against Serbian big guns should
war resume. To that end, the Washington has been working patiently in the
difficult task of building up a unified federal force. Muslim presidency
member Alija Izetbegovic and his Croatian counterpart Kresimir Zubak signed a
document on 2 October establishing a joint command for the Federal Army. That
new body will consist of the former mainly Muslim government army and the
former Croatian Defense Council (HVO). Its commander will be the army's chief
Gen. Rasim Delic and his deputy will be the HVO's Gen. Zivko Budimir,
Oslobodjenje reported. -- Patrick Moore
[07] MORE MUJAHEDEEN FOR BOSNIA?
Another problem for Washington has been that of Islamic fighters, who should
have disappeared at the beginning of the year. The Bosnian federal police
arrested what they said were 24 citizens of Iraq and four from Jordan on 1
October, two days after the 28 arrived illegally on a Jordanian peacekeepers'
plane. An IFOR spokesman said that IFOR's intelligence experts were looking
into the Bosnian Interior Ministry report, Reuters noted on 2 October. Nasa
Borba then reported on 8 October that the 28 were in reality all Iraqi Kurds
and that they had been deported back to Jordan on 6 October. The Bosnian
authorities announced that none had requested asylum, but the UNHCR is
investigating. -- Patrick Moore
[08] PENTAGON: U.S. TROOPS IN BOSNIA UNTIL MARCH.
In any event, Pentagon spokesman Kenneth Bacon said U.S. troops will be in
Bosnia until March as part of a new force to cover the withdrawal of IFOR, AFP
reported on 1 October. Bacon said the force will start arriving in Bosnia
soon. Other observers suggested that in size and make-up the new body will
conform to a plan being considered by NATO for a reduced version of IFOR
remaining in Bosnia. There are fears that war could break out in Bosnia if
IFOR ends its mission on 20 December as scheduled. Bacon said the covering
force's mission will be for a defined period of time. Richard Holbrooke,
former U.S. envoy for Bosnia, said earlier that Bosnia needs "some kind of
follow-on international security presence." European allies have said they
will participate in a post-IFOR force only together with the U.S. -- Daria
Sito Sucic
[09] BOSNIAN PRIME MINISTER URGES DONORS TO KEEP PROMISES . . .
Turning from guns to butter, Bosnian Prime Minister Hasan Muratovic said on
30 September that many international donors have failed to honor financial
pledges to his country, warning that there would be no stable peace without
financial support, AFP reported. Muratovic said only 40% of the pledges made
at conferences in December 1995 and April 1996 have been committed to concrete
projects. A World Bank study released the same day showed that nearly all the
$330 million it pledged to make available by 31 December 1996 had been
committed. Thirteen World Bank projects are operational in Bosnia, and 629
contracts with a value of $140 million have been signed with the bank's
financing. -- Daria Sito Sucic
[10] . . . AND ASKS IMF TO RESCHEDULE BOSNIAN DEBTS.
Muratovic also stressed that Bosnia has met all the IMF's conditions for
assistance, calling for "immediate" negotiations to secure financial support
for Bosnia and establish its creditworthiness. Muratovic called for reducing
and rescheduling Bosnia's foreign debts, saying it was "a precondition for
successful restoration of the country's borrowing power and for attracting
additional funds for reconstruction." IMF officials have estimated the debt
owed by Bosnia to government and private creditors at about $2 billion. They
have said talks in Sarajevo could begin after the formation of a new Bosnian
government at the end of October. EU foreign ministers said the same day that
the EU should contribute for another two years to the peace process in Bosnia.
The EU put up some $398 million in 1996 for reconstruction. -- Daria Sito
Sucic
[11] JUSICI REFUGEES GO HOME.
Still on civilian affairs, the Muslim refugees from Jusici seem to have won
their battle with IFOR and have gone back to their village with the
international community's blessing (see Pursuing Balkan Peace, 1 October
1996). IFOR did not want them around because of fears that violence would
result if Muslim villagers tried to go home to what is now the Republika
Srpska and in the "zone of separation." But the Muslims held their ground,
insisting that the Dayton agreement guarantees them both freedom of movement
and the right to return to their village. A face-saving formula was found
whereby the Muslims left for three days so that the UNHCR could certify that
they had indeed lived in Jusici prior to the war. By 6 October, some 60
Muslims had been given the green light and went home in triumph, Reuters
noted. -- Patrick Moore
[12] SECOND ATTACK ON BOSNIAN CROAT OPPOSITION POLITICIAN.
Some other stories, however, have taken a turn for the worse. Following a hand
grenade attack on the home of the Croatian Peasant Party's (HSS) Josip Jole
Musa (see Pursuing Balkan Peace, 1 October 1996), unidentified gunmen
seriously wounded Musa by spraying the apartment with machinegun fire,
Oslobodjenje reported on 2 October. Political violence was rampant in Mostar
before the 14 September elections, but this is the first instance of it since
then. The HSS has blamed the governing HDZ for the grenade attack, arguing
that the HDZ's control over west Mostar is complete and no such thing can
happen without its knowledge. -- Patrick Moore
[13] MINERS END STRIKE THREAT.
Meanwhile on the labor front, representatives of some 19,000 miners from all
over Bosnia on 3 October dropped a previous threat to call a general strike,
but still stressed their unhappiness with makeshift solutions to their
problems, Oslobodjenje reported. On 2 October, the miners had threatened to
strike unless they received their salaries for August and September, Onasa
reported. Sulejman Hrle, head of the Association of Bosnian Trade Unions, said
it was a pitiful disgrace that the miners must rally each month to demand
their salaries. Federation Prime Minister Izudin Kapetanovic promised they
would be paid for August by 4 October at the latest, but miners pressed for a
systematic solution. "It is only a drop in the sea, only a prolongation of our
agony," Oslobodjenje quoted one Zenica miner as saying. Mining, along with
forestry and power-generating, are key sectors in the economy. -- Daria Sito
Sucic
[14] U.S. ENVOY DISCUSSES UN MANDATE IN EASTERN SLAVONIA.
Moving on to eastern Slavonia -- the one part of Croatia still under Serbian
control -- John Kornblum arrived there on 4 October to meet Jacques Klein. The
latter is the head of the UN administration of the region and the men
discussed the possibility of extending the mandate of UN troops, AFP reported.
A UN spokesman said that Kornblum came to show U.S. support for the
reintegration process of eastern Slavonia into Croatia -- which is due after
the UN mandate in the region expires -- but he also discussed the possibility
of extending that mandate into next year. The Serbs in the area want that UN
mandate extended, while Croats want the troops to leave. -- Daria Sito
Sucic
[15] UN OFFERS TO BUY WEAPONS FROM CROATIAN SERBS.
The UN and the Croatian government meanwhile launched a project of buying up
weapons in private hands there, news agencies reported on 2 October. The
formal demilitarization did not include privately owned weapons, and the UN
authorities have now offered to pay $120 per working automatic rifle, $150 per
machine gun, and $20 per hand grenade. The prices of other items are
negotiable and faulty weapons are bought for half-price. But Serbs say the
deal will not work because they do not trust the Croatians and the offers are
too low. -- Daria Sito Sucic
[16] UN SECURITY COUNCIL LIFTS SANCTIONS AGAINST BELGRADE . . .
Some of the biggest news this week, however, involved the UN sanctions against
Belgrade and Pale. The Security Council on 1 October formally ended trade
sanctions against federal Yugoslavia, imposed in 1992 for the country's role
in fomenting the war in Bosnia, Reuters reported. The sanctions were already
suspended last year following the Dayton agreement. The resolution passed 15-
0. The document warned that the council would consider reimposing any of the
sanctions if either Serb group failed "significantly to meet (their)
obligations under the peace agreement." Russia, however, is likely to veto any
such move. -- Fabian Schmidt
[17] . . . WHILE 'OUTER WALL' OF SANCTIONS REMAINS.
At the insistence of the U.S., the UN did not lift the suspension of federal
Yugoslavia from the General Assembly and other UN bodies, Reuters reported.
The council also made no provisions for Belgrade to rejoin financial
institutions such as the World Bank and the IMF. U.S. Ambassador Madeleine
Albright said "Serbia-Montenegro will not be able to participate in
international institutions... until it makes substantial progress in Kosovo,
cooperates fully with the international tribunal in The Hague, and... settles
successor-state issues with its neighbors." The 1 October UN resolution
lifting trade sanctions also did not release Belgrade's frozen assets because
of disputes and claims from other of those successor states. -- Fabian
Schmidt
[18] IS AVRAMOVIC A REAL THREAT TO MILOSEVIC?
Still in Belgrade, just over one month before the federal parliamentary
elections, both the ruling Socialist Party of Serbia (SPS) and the opposition
have begun forming coalitions. Milosevic's SPS has attracted as allies the New
Democracy party and the United Yugoslav Left of Milosevic's wife Mirjana
Markovic. The opposition, for its part, seeks to challenge Milosevic's grip on
power by nominating one of Serbia's most popular politicians, former Central
Bank Governor Dragoslav Avramovic.
Avramovic successfully halted hyperinflation two years ago but was sacked in
May of this year after a dispute with Milosevic about economic and political
reforms. Milosevic had refused to give Avramovic full authority to negotiate a
loan with the IMF and subsequently Avramovic charged Milosevic with driving
the country into bankruptcy. Ironically, it was Milosevic himself and his
media who had earlier put forward Avramovic as the multi-talented "super
granddad" and made him a legend throughout the country. Meanwhile, Avramovic
has become increasingly popular by presenting himself as the defender of the
average worker's interests and as a fighter against government corruption and
the illicit enrichment of the nomenklatura. While supporting the independent
trade unions, he sharply criticized their communist-era counterparts as
bureaucratic, inflexible and not representing workers' interests.
Avramovic orchestrated his move into party politics carefully. On 26 September
-- the 30th day of the massive strike at the Kragujevac arms and automobile
plants -- he addressed a demonstration of over 10,000 people. In his speech he
strongly attacked the ruling Serbian nomenklatura by saying that "one should
make those cadres who do not leave their cars use tram No. 2 so that they see
in what miserable condition the world lives. They have no clue how it is to
live with a salary of 300 to 400 dinars ($60-80 at the official exchange
rate)."
Only two days later, he was invited to head the list of candidates list of the
"Zajedno" (Together) coalition, which is made up of Vuk Draskovic's Serbian
Renewal Movement, Zoran Djindjic's Democratic Party, Vesna Pesic's Citizen's
Union and the Independent Trade Unions. (Vojislav Kostunica's Serbian
Democratic Party and the Democratic Center of Dragoljub Micunovic also
expressed their readiness to participate.) Avramovic pledged to liberalize the
state-run economy, to enact Western-style democratic reforms and reduce the
size of the central government ruling the Yugoslav republics of Serbia and
Montenegro.
Even though he is probably Milosevic's strongest challenger, it remains
unclear if he will be able to achieve his goals. Milosevic remains the
strongman in the country, and it seems certain that he will try to find a way
to maintain his hold on power once his second five-year term runs out in
December 1997. The Serbian constitution forbids a third term for him and
observers speculate that he will run for the federal president's office when
current federal President Zoran Lilic's term ends in June 1997.
It is, however, unclear how Lilic's successor would be elected. According to
the current federal constitution the president is elected by parliament, but
the SPS, anticipating an election victory in November's parliamentary ballot,
has already drawn up a strategy to secure Milosevic's future unambiguously.
The plan foresees an increase in the central powers of the federal government,
but also provides for the federal president to be elected by direct vote.
This would be arranged by adopting or amending relevant federal laws within
the first six months of 1997. The SPS expects that this would ensure
Milosevic's victory.
Should, however, Avramovic's coalition gain over a third of the seats in the
federal parliament, it would be able to block constitutional changes and
Milosevic would have to fight to control that legislative body. Should the
coalition manage to win a majority, it could cost Milosevic the federal
presidency. Nonetheless, Avramovic would still, for at least another year,
have to fight against a powerful Serbian president, who will not hesitate to
use dubious means to ensure himself another term as either Serbian or
federal president. -- Fabian Schmidt
[19] POWER PLAY.
On the afternoon of 4 October, Ambassador Robert Frowick announced to the
press his decision to proceed with municipal elections in the previously
proposed November time frame. He acknowledged that it will be "high-risk
operational program" and made clear that he well understands the move is "very
controversial." Once again the chairman of the OSCE mission in Bosnia and
Herzegovina defied majority opinion -- but this time his position is weaker
than ever. His action to charge forward with the local elections against all
odds can best be compared to a power-play in ice-hockey, where a narrowly
losing team desperately tries to reverse the outcome of the match by pulling
off its goal-keeper and replacing him with another offensive player. Whatever
offensive advantage may be generated is paid for by the mortal risk of leaving
unguarded the goal behind the team's back.
Back in July, Frowick overcame the opposition of Carl Bildt and the majority
of the Contact Group when he threatened to ban the SDS from elections if it
did not formally end its relations with indicted war criminals. He won even
more respect when he refused to turn a blind eye to the widespread fraud in
voter registration before the general elections and moved to postpone
municipal elections to later date. But a controversial performance on the
general elections and serious mistakes in ballot counting procedures have
caused the reputation of the OSCE to plummet to new lows.
Frowick's decision to press ahead with the municipal races came after two
weeks of frantic diplomatic activity aimed at gathering outside political
support for the step. None came -- at least not in the open -- even from the
Clinton administration (see above). There was only the word that the
Peace Implementation Council (a gathering of Contact Group representatives
with Japan and the Organization of Islamic Countries) and the OSCE Permanent
Council will support any decision made by Frowick's Sarajevo-based Provisional
Election Council. The most honest sound-bite came from current OSCE Chairman
Flavio Cotti, who told Swiss TV: "we will give support for these elections but
do not hold us responsible."
With at least tepid diplomatic support thus secured, more or less firm
promises of an additional $8.6 million pledged, and an international staff of
several dozen experienced hands, Frowick can now turn to other obstacles
and challenges. First he has to contend with damage control after several top
OSCE election officials in Bosnia and Herzegovina resigned, some of them
openly questioning the OSCE performance in September's general elections.
Frowick acknowledged that the "team that is leaving had reservations
concerning holding of municipal elections," but added that "team in place is
fully committed." He also confirmed that his decision goes contrary to a
proposal by Edward van Thijn, the chief of OSCE Monitoring Mission, to
postpone local elections until more democratic conditions are secured.
Secondly, these elections are much more entangled in administrative
complexities and political disputes than was the case with the September vote.
The RS representative in the PEC, Professor Slobodan Kovac, pointed out on 4
October that 36 municipalities in both entities have not yet established their
administrative borders. This alone can make organizing elections in these
areas extremely troublesome. Voter registration for the municipal balloting
is certain to prove an odious task, more difficult and more controversial than
in the September round. "In the general elections the large numbers helped
to smooth out effect of some mistakes," Frowick told OMRI. "On a municipal
level, however, ten votes can make a difference. Do not forget what problems
came with only 40-odd votes from the Bonn embassy in the Mostar elections."
The use of Application Form No. 2 (P-2) -- which allows refugee and displaced
voters to register "in their place of intended residence," thereby setting the
stage for vote rigging -- was not even debated at the 4 October meeting
because it was clear that otherwise no basic agreement could be achieved to
have municipal elections at all. The SDA has made the abolition of P-2 a
firm precondition to its running in the municipal elections. The SDS with
equal firmness insists on keeping it . Frowick expresses his belief that "some
kind of compromise can be found" but admits that so far none has.
The third and equally difficult task for him is to overcome growing fear among
the leadership in the Republika Srpska that the SDS could lose the absolute
control it now maintains. A SDS official speaking under the condition of
anonymity told OMRI that some party colleagues were wondering why they should
risk having their power diluted by the opposition. Some even thought that
Muslims could win control or get share of power in some regions. The SDS
figure went on to say that "right now Pale simply appoints SDS loyalists to
become municipal officials. They cannot imagine that they would have to deal
with an elected Muslim."
In any event, the International community will try once again to put
responsibility on the parties and approve anything that may come from their
deals. Frowick already expressed hopes that arrangements for crossing Inter-
Entity Border Line on election day will be similar to those employed in
September. What he called "a solid concept with some unfortunate choices" had
in reality meant a voters' apartheid -- with polling stations for Muslims in
Serb territory set up away from towns, as in the notorious case of a tent
erected in a rock-quarry. Power-plays can pay off, but only when there is a
strong offensive front-line. Without that hopes of a daring reversal can end
up like the Charge of the Light Brigade. -- Jan Urban in Sarajevo
Compiled by Patrick Moore
This material was reprinted with permission of the Open Media
Research Institute, a nonprofit organization with research offices in
Prague, Czech Republic.
For more information on OMRI publications please write to info@omri.cz.
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