U.S. Department of State Daily Press Briefing #106, 98-09-14
From: The Department of State Foreign Affairs Network (DOSFAN) at <http://www.state.gov>
1088
U.S. Department of State
Daily Press Briefing
I N D E X
Monday, September 14, 1998
Briefer: James P. Rubin
STATEMENTS
1 Secretary Albright to speak at Carnegie Endowment for
International Peace on Sept. 17
1 ALBANIA: US condemns violence used for political ends.
FRY/ KOSOVO
1-2 US has broad concerns about instability in the area.
2 Kosovar Albanian negotiating team is representative of
community's views
ALBANIA
2,3 Chaotic situation exists.
1,2-3 US will not work with government instituted coming to power
by violent means
4 US Embassy status unchanged: Operations temporarily
suspended.
IRAQ
4-5 Secretary Albright has met with Kurdish leaders on Friday
and today.
5-6 Secretary Albright expects to host a meeting between both
leaders later this week.
6-7 Severing UNSCOM cooperation would be a flagrant violation
of UNSC resolutions
7 US watching situation closely; military action still on
table.
EFFECT OF DOMESTIC SITUATION ON FOREIGN POLICY
7-8 Foreign leaders have expressed confidence in, support for
US policies, leadership.
8-9 Secretary Albright has confidence in President Clinton's
leadership.
PERSONNEL
9 Policy Planning Director Gregory B. Craig discussing move
to White House.
NORTH KOREA
9 US, Japanese and South Korean officials are meeting to
discuss situation in DPRK.
10 KEDO agreement issues are being discussed today.
17 US analysis of missile firing concludes it was a failed
satellite launch.
17-18 DPRK missile technology has been marketed worldwide,
including to PAKISTAN.
MIDDLE EAST PEACE PROCESS
11-13 Ambassador Ross says many interim issues and details remain
to be worked out.
INDIA-PAKISTAN
13-14 President Clinton's trip remains on hold; Deputy Secretary
Talbott's efforts continue.
AZERBAIJAN
14 US welcomes invitation to Transportation Corridor
Europe-Caucasus -Asia Conference
14 US is deeply concerned about violence at public
demonstration.
15 US urges conditions to be created to allow free, fair
elections.
BOSNIA
15 Ambassador Gelbard said elections were freest, fairest in
Bosnian history.
15-16 Political progress has been made, but refugee numbers are
still unacceptably low
CUBA
18 Press conference to be held in Miami today by Attorney
General's Office
U.S. DEPARTMENT OF STATE
DAILY PRESS BRIEFING
DPB #106
MONDAY, SEPTEMBER 14, 1998, 1:30 P.M.
(ON THE RECORD UNLESS OTHERWISE NOTED)
MR. RUBIN: Welcome to the State Department briefing. Today is Monday.
Sorry for the delay this morning; we'll try to do better.
Let me first say that Secretary Albright will speak at the Carnegie
Endowment for International Peace on Thursday, September 17, on the topic
of American security and foreign policy resources in the 21st Century. The
address will begin at approximately 12:45 p.m., and we'll have more details
for you.
I also would like to start the briefing with some comments about Albania.
The United States strongly condemns the use of violence for political ends
in Albania. The political leadership in the government and the opposition
will be held responsible for resolving the current crisis. Members of all
parties must work together toward a peaceful solution that respects the
democratic process.
The United States will not recognize or work with a government that comes
to power through violent means. We call on the political leadership of
Albania to cooperate with the president in working on constructive
proposals that will end the current upheaval. The leaders of all political
parties in Albania must take responsibility for the behavior of their
followers. Those that do not play a constructive role must bear the
consequences.
The United States is consulting with the European Union to support those
pursuing a peaceful resolution to the current crisis, and we are also
committed to support actively any package of measures consisted with the
rule of law adopted in the political consultations of the Albanian
political leadership.
Obviously, this is a very serious situation. The capital is quite tense.
I've seen a variety of conflicting reports about the extent of the chaos
there. But clearly, this is the worst violence Albania has seen since the
unrest of March 1997.
QUESTION: I wonder if any of this is spilling over into the Kosovo
situation.
MR. RUBIN: Well, I'm not aware that the specific violence that's going on
right now in Tirana is spilling over directly. But let me say this - one of
the factors that has always been of concern to us is the risk of chaos in
this part of the world; not only in Kosovo, but in Albania and potentially,
if the situation got worse, in other countries in the region. So that, in
and of itself, we would be concerned about the situation in Albania.
But we're doubly concerned because of the risk that it could pose to
broader instability in the region.
QUESTION: I kind of wondered the US' position is very much against a
greater Albania. But the ethnic Albanians, who are on the defensive in
Kosovo against the Serbs, look to Albania as refuge. They also have
aspirations, support from Albania. So I just wondered if it makes the
diplomacy in Kosovo any more difficult.
MR. RUBIN: Certainly, one of the things that has made the diplomacy in
Kosovo difficult is the extent to which Northern Albania has been chaotic
and lacking in central control, and there has been an inability to be able
work directly with some of these people.
To the extent that Albania would become more chaotic, it does make it
harder and harder to try and create a workable arrangement for Kosovo. On
the other hand, we do now have a - the Albanian Kosovars have formed their
negotiating team; and through the work of Ambassador Hill, it is our
understanding they want to move forward. As you know, earlier this month,
last week, I guess about ten days ago, the Yugoslav side announced its
willingness to negotiate an interim accord. So we are still working on that
assumption, but I can't rule out in the future that if the Albania
situation got worse, that that would make it harder.
QUESTION: Can I just get one fast one in ? What is your description of
the coloration of this team? In other words, remember the old debate about
all views being represented? Is this a team that the US finds receptively --
MR. RUBIN: I've spoken to Ambassador Hill about this question, and it is
his assessment that this team does include all spectrum of opinion in the
Albanian community and that it does, therefore, reflect the broadest
possible views as would be necessary to get an agreement that would stick,
if we can get such an agreement.
QUESTION: Two questions, Jamie - sort of a general one, do you there is a
coup currently underway in Albania, first question? Second question, I
gather from your comments that if the answer to the first one is yes, that
perhaps the former president may have a role in it; is that your assessment?
MR. RUBIN: I am not in a position to declare a coup underway. Clearly
there is chaos, significant chaos in Albania, in Tirana. I've heard reports
of senior officials barricading themselves in their offices; vehicles being
stolen; mobs rule, reigning in the streets; policemen not coming out. We
have had a great deal of difficulty contacting senior leaders from the
Albanian leadership. But to the extent that we are - I am not in a position
now to declare it as a coup. Clearly there is a chaotic situation,
a political crisis and a crisis for people living there.
QUESTION: And the former president's role in this?
MR. RUBIN: The former president's role is an important element in this.
Certainly all of those political leaders, including Salih Berisha, ought to
know that they will be held responsible for a failure to work this problem
out in a civilized and diplomatic and non-violent fashion.
QUESTION: Just one more. So your comment about the US refusing to
recognize or work with a party that comes to power through the violent
means, I think you said; is that directed at the former president?
MR. RUBIN: It's directed - this is a very chaotic situation; it's very
hard to know what's going on. I am not going to be more specific than to
say that Salih Berisha is one of those leaders of one of the factions; and
that any leader of any faction that is trying to make power come out of the
barrel of a gun rather than the dialogue and civil discourse that we
believe would be appropriate or political discussions will face the
consequences of having power come that way; and we will not work with
such a government.
QUESTION: I'm not an advocate of recognizing people who come to power by
force, but the United States has --
MR. RUBIN: Well, that's very good to know.
QUESTION: Well, it's only in preference to the question. The United
States has done that before, including in the Congo. So, I mean, how do you
draw distinction between --
MR. RUBIN: Well, continually in this job and standing in this place, I'm
asked questions that assume total parallelism around the world. What I try
to do is to mix - as policy-makers what we try to do is mix the principles
that guide us throughout the international system and the practical
situation in particular circumstances. Depending on that mix, we make
judgments. That's why we're here. We don't go on auto-pilot in every
situation. It is our judgment that in this case, the situation warrants
a very clear statement of our view that the coming to power through
violent means will not be recognized by the United States. We think that's
the best position to take at this point.
QUESTION: Do you have any reading on the army's activities? Is the army
intact; is it divided? Does Berisha control part of it now?
MR. RUBIN: It's hard to be more specific without being an actual analyst
of Albania, which I am not. But I can say that the situation is sufficiently
chaotic; that the reports include the fact that government officials are
unclear as to the extent to which the army and the police will play a role
in stopping this mob violence. To the extent that I've seen reports of this,
there are significant reports that both the army and the police are
intending to stay in their barracks. So that's what I know. Beyond that, it
would be hard to say.
QUESTION: Is the radio station now controlled by Berisha's people?
MR. RUBIN: We've seen reports that the radio station has been taken over
by some of these mobs. Exactly who they're reporting to, I am not in a
position to answer.
QUESTION: What is the American presence now in Tirana, Albania?
MR. RUBIN: As I understand it, we have the embassy in a status of
temporarily suspending public operations. We obviously have people there
continuing to monitor the situation. We have active travel warnings for
other reasons that are operative there.
QUESTION: On the military side - because NATO was setting up an office
there. I think there was this big new exercise. I had the impression that
there was going to be a substantial NATO presence at some point.
MR. RUBIN: I'd have to check with the Pentagon to see what military
presence - whether there are any observers. Certainly, it's my understanding
there are what we call a DATT, a defense attache, that is there.
QUESTION: The last question is that the government is clearly beleaguered
and is obviously going to need some support. NATO has some kind of a
structure there, and I know you have some presence there. Is there a
readiness to come to the support of the government if they request
it?
MR. RUBIN: That's premature at this point. What I can say is that we are
consulting with our European allies about how to promote a peaceful
resolution of the situation, which just emerged in the recent days. Any
more on this?
QUESTION: On these considerations, do you know if the Secretary has any
consultations with her counterparts from neighboring parties or if she is
planning to have consultations?
MR. RUBIN: I certainly wouldn't rule out consultations in the coming
hours or days. But as of now, that's not my understanding.
MR. RUBIN: Neighboring countries have paid a very important role in
recent years.
QUESTION: No, I'm just saying in the current crisis as sort of a common
front --
MR. RUBIN: Well, as you know, Italy played a very important role in
assisting the stabilization of Albania in recent years. So again, this is
an evolving situation that just emerged overnight, and I don't want to get
ahead of ourselves nor rule out the possibility of other steps.
QUESTION: Iraq is apparently making more statements about cutting back
it's cooperation with the UN.
MR. RUBIN: Let me give you a few points on that. First of all, the
Secretary has met with two Kurdish leaders, Mr. Barzani and Mr. Talibani.
She met with the second one this morning at about 11:00 a.m. She expressed
the United States' continuing engagement with the Kurds there and our
concern for the Iraqi Kurds and all the people of Northern Iraq. These
leaders are real voices of the Iraqi people who represent the interests of
millions of Iraqi Kurds.
Obviously this situation in Iraq was discussed. The current US policy
towards Iraq, the security needs of the people of Northern Iraq, and the
important humanitarian assistance programs going on there. The Secretary in
both of her meetings emphasized the criticality of affecting a reconciliation
between the Kurdish parties. She is expected to host a meeting later in the
week of those two parties, which would be the first of such meetings
to my knowledge.
QUESTION: When will that be?
MR. RUBIN: Later in the week, towards the end of the week.
QUESTION: Do you have a date?
MR. RUBIN: When I have a date and a time and a place, I'd be happy to
give it to you.
QUESTION: And specifically what do you expect to come out of that meeting
or hope to come out of that meeting?
MR. RUBIN: At this point I'm just telling you we're expecting to be able
to host a meeting. Obviously, reconciliation between the Kurdish factions --
the Kurdish parties, rather, is an important goal of the United States.
David Welch has been working on a this assiduously. In recent months he
visited the region at the instruction of the Secretary, and this is a step
in that direction. We will have more to say about that meeting when it
happens.
QUESTION: But she said that this position - in other words, is this is a
meeting that has to be held because they're resisting it or is the flow in
that direction?
MR. RUBIN: On the contrary, I think there's a greater recognition of the
importance of working together that their common enemy is Saddam Hussein
and not anyone else.
QUESTION: Isn't it a powerful incentive, though, the fact that the United
States now is ready to put up, again, a substantial sum of money that these
groups could use?
MR. RUBIN: Well, these discussions have been going on for many months,
and I am not in a position to analyze the motivations of these particular
leaders; other than to say the trend is in the right direction. Secretary
Albright is expected to host a very important meeting -- I believe the
first of its kind with the Secretary of State -- on Thursday or Friday, and
that's a step.
QUESTION: (Inaudible) - the meeting?
MR. RUBIN: Correct. I wouldn't use the word expected if I didn't expect
it to happen, but obviously I didn't use a word beyond that.
QUESTION: Is this the first meeting since they went apart?
MR. RUBIN: I don't know whether they've met before, and I will have to
check that for you.
QUESTION: If they have met before and if one of your people upstairs
could find out when --
MR. RUBIN: The last meeting --
QUESTION: -- that would be helpful.
MR. RUBIN: Right, but I don't believe that there's been a meeting with
the Secretary of State of the two of them before.
QUESTION: With Baker.
MR. RUBIN: Since the Clinton Administration.
(Laughter.)
MR. RUBIN: Yes, now to your question, Carol, about Iraq. Why don't you re-
pose it.
QUESTION: Well, apparently Baghdad is saying that it's going to cut back
its cooperation or cease all its cooperation with the UN, and I wondered
where you go from here.
MR. RUBIN: Let me say this -- last week, an important resolution was
passed in direct response to Iraq's decision to block inspections by the UN
Special Commission and the International Atomic Energy Agency.
The resolution demands that Iraq rescind that decision and stipulates that
until it does, all sanctions reviews will be suspended. Should Iraq
compound its defiance of the international community by now blocking all
monitoring of UNSCOM as well as inspections as threatened, this would
constitute yet another flagrant violation of UN Security Council resolutions
and thus be a direct challenge to the authority of the Council. In that
event, the UN Security Council would have to consider further action.
During the course of the weekend, Secretary Albright has spoken to several
counterparts about this subject. She spoke to Secretary General Annan; she
spoke to French Foreign Minister Vedrine; British Foreign Minister Cook;
the Swedish Foreign Minister -- in light of the fact that Sweden is the
current president of the Security Council. She also spoke to her new
counterpart, Ivanov, from Russia. She emphasized the extent to which this
action, if it occurs, because it doesn't come as a surprise to us, would be
a ratcheting up by Iraq of its confrontation with the Council and a
flouting of the will of the Council and that we would need to consider
further action.
She had those discussions with those ministers to preempt what I would
expect to be your next question. They made clear to her that they agree
with the substance of the American position and to the extent that they can,
would try to communicate the foolishness of the Iraqi position directly to
the Iraqis.
QUESTION: Would military action be on the table?
MR. RUBIN: As far as military action is concerned, in the first instance
it is up to the Council to respond to this if it were to occur. However,
let me reiterate that the United States is watching very closely; we're
watching the situation closely, and as we look ahead we will decide how and
when to respond to Iraq's actions based on the threat they pose to Iraq's
neighbors, to regional security and to American vital interests. And we
have most certainly not taken that option off the table.
QUESTION: Another topic?
MR. RUBIN: Any more on this?
QUESTION: What are the formulas on the table for reconciliation between
two Kurdish factions?
MR. RUBIN: In the run-up to this meeting on Thursday, I will try to get
you more information about that subject. For now, having had these meetings,
some of it obviously will have to remain private, but I will try to get you
more information in the coming days.
More on Iraq?
QUESTION: Thank you, Jamie. Has Ms. Albright received any feedback or
what has been the feedback from foreign governments regarding the crisis
here with Mr. Clinton and the Congress? And has she got anything to say
personally about her confidence in the President or any reaction to the
whole matter?
MR. RUBIN: First of all, you must've missed it on Friday, but Secretary
Albright did speak to that issue directly; and she expressed her strong
confidence in the President's leadership and his ability to make sound
judgments in foreign and other policy areas. She made that very clear on
Friday.
With respect to your question of what other foreign leaders have said, let
me emphasize that I'm responding to a question here. And my understanding
of those conversations was that in the bulk of them, the issue did not come
up at all. To the extent it did come up, there was a difficulty on the part
of some in understanding the nature of this situation. But to the extent
that further views were expressed, they tended to be views in which the
leaders expressed their appreciation for the American policies that have
been pursued in recent years; the leadership the United States has shown
on various issues; and the importance to those leaders that those
policies continue.
On a personal level, I would be surprised if there weren't some expressions
of support. But on a substantive level, those were the answers.
QUESTION: Let me just follow briefly. Does the Secretary of State believe
that it will be wise and in the personal interest of the President to seek
some kind of a program for his personal recovery or getting over the
vulnerabilities that are expressed in the Starr report?
MR. RUBIN: To the extent that you are credited in many buildings, I think
those questions about this issue ought to be directed at those in other
buildings. I told you on Friday - the Secretary told you on Friday, for
those of you who were there and followed it and understood it, very clearly
her views on this subject. I've reiterated them; I'm not sure there's any
point in continuing to discuss it.
QUESTION: To what extent, though, does the crisis surrounding the
President affect the ability to conduct foreign policy? I mean, I know
she's having phone calls; she's dealing with all the issues one by one. But
still, does it slow the ability to get decisions here? It must be much
harder to get the President's focus, clearly. I mean, how much is the
administration of foreign policy affected?
MR. RUBIN: Well, again, the answers to these questions about this issue
in general, I believe belong in a different building. But to the extent
you're asking a direct question about the views of the Secretary on this
and I am in a position to answer, let me say the following.
Secretary Albright has made clear that she has never had a problem in
recent months or years in getting the President on the phone when she needs
him and doing the work that she needs to do when it needs to be done. As
many of you are aware, there was a foreign policy team meeting on Saturday;
so meetings continue to be held and her ability to talk to the President
about matters of national security have remained the same.
Secretary Albright was involved in many discussions with the President in
recent weeks - in particular, a long discussion last week about the state
of the world economy, which led, as you know, to the President's very
important speech today. The State Department's views about the importance
of several issues being reflected in this speech were reflected in the
speech, including the importance of having the World Bank increase its
support for the social safety net in Asia, which was a core theme of
remarks the Secretary made in ASEAN; including the importance of resisting
protectionism and strengthening the World Trade Association; as well as
the comprehensive trade agenda.
So the work, just as an example, this past week went on, on the subject of
the global economy. The views the Secretary held and shared with the White
House and the President were fully reflected in his speech. Beyond that,
all I can say is that Secretary Albright continues to do her job and has
confidence in the President's ability to lead this nation and to make the
sound decisions necessary on foreign policy.
For those of you who, as I indicated last week, feel the need to speculate
and analyze and guess how things are going inside the government and what's
happening, it's really not my place to answer.
QUESTION: Jamie, sort of related to this, but more of an administrative
question - Greg Craig's name is being floated around and reported as a
possible choice to defend the President, should this matter go up to the
Hill in impeachment procedure or otherwise. Would he have to, if that
happened - would he just take a leave of absence from his duties at the
State Department or how would that work?
MR. RUBIN: This is a White House personnel matter and, again, like many
of the questions, probably belongs in a different building. That may be a
pattern you see me answering many times in the coming days.
But with respect to your question, I understand that Greg has stated
publicly that he has been discussing such a thing with people at the White
House. It would be my expectation that it would involve him resigning, if
he were to do such a thing.
QUESTION: Can you talk about the meetings here today with the Koreans and
the Japanese? What exactly are you aiming to do?
MR. RUBIN: US, South Korean and Japanese officials are meeting here today
to continue coordinating policy discussions on North Korea. From our side,
Charles Kartman will convene the discussions with the Director General of
the South Korean Foreign Ministry and the Director General for Asian
Affairs of the Japanese Foreign Ministry.
As you know, we have consulted very, very closely with our Japanese and
South Korean allies in the implementation of the agreed framework and the
policy towards North Korea. These talks represent a continuation of that
consultative process. We will coordinate on all North Korean issues,
including its recent missile test, which is a priority concern for all
three governments.
QUESTION: The Japanese suggested that they might launch a satellite
themselves in order to be able to more closely monitor what happens with
North Korea. How does the United States feel about that?
MR. RUBIN: Japan is a very close ally, and many other allies have their
own such programs. Given that they're allies, I wouldn't expect us to have
a problem. That doesn't mean it wouldn't be something that would be talked
about; I would it expect it would be, on the contrary. They would be
looking for our assistance in some form or another - whether it be
technical or not technical in the sense of equipment, but tapping into our
long experience in this business.
QUESTION: And who would --
MR. RUBIN: I notice there was a slight uptick in the --
QUESTION: (Laughter).
MR. RUBIN: I really don't know further than to answer the question to say
they're a close ally and if they want to launch a satellite, we wouldn't
have a problem with that. It's something I would expect to be discussed.
QUESTION: The Japanese have been waiting for some kind of expression from
the North Koreans in order to get back to the KEDO framework. Japan has
suspended to pay its share for the light water reactor construction. Has
the US put any influence to the North Koreans to persuade them to come back
with some kind of international appeal or something?
MR. RUBIN: The question again, please.
QUESTION: The Japanese have been asking for some kind of cooperation from
the US to persuade North Koreans to come up with some kind of international
expression to express its remorse, whatever, for the missile launch test in
order for the Japanese to come back to the framework agreement.
MR. RUBIN: Well, we're discussing those very issues today with Japan and
South Korea; and perhaps after such a discussion we might be in a position
to talk more about what the future will hold. But we do believe it's
important for the KEDO to be funded and for the heavy fuel oil and the
reactors to be funded; because let's remember what we're dealing with here -
- the very real and tangible possibility that in the absence of a framework,
we would have a crisis with North Korea and the prospect of a nuclear
armed North Korea in Asia, which should frighten both those countries
there and any sane citizen. The idea of a nuclear armed North Korea is a
very sobering prospect and has great ramifications and could, again, rivet
the world the way it did in 1993 and 1994.
So we're working on this problem. I'll leave the Japanese position to be
described by the Japanese, but it's something we're working on very closely
together and consulting very closely.
QUESTION: What is the current US position on the cost-sharing for the
light water reactor?
MR. RUBIN: Nothing has changed there.
QUESTION: Nothing has changed at all?
MR. RUBIN: No.
QUESTION: Ambassador Ross, can you update us?
MR. RUBIN: Yes, I spoke to Ambassador Ross a few minutes ago, and he is
continuing his work. He's working on all parts of the effort; and I hope
you all understand what difficult work it is that he conducts and how much
time and effort and hard work goes into it and would respect that a little
bit more.
QUESTION: Does he say he's making progress?
MR. RUBIN: With respect to the specifics, he indicated that there are a
large number of details to be worked out, a large number of issues to be
worked out. And remember again what the purpose of this exercise is. If the
American ideas could be agreed to, then we would be moving from the interim
accords to a final status negotiation. The idea would be to resolve as many
of the interim issues as could be resolved in this proposal and this
agreement so that one could move immediately to the final status, the
permanent status talks; which means not only the security issues, the
further re-deployment, the issues related to Gaza, the seaport, the airport,
the safe passage, a whole series of issues that would constitute the
completion of as much of the interim agreement as was possible so that we
could move immediately to final status talks. That is no mean task and is
not a simple proposition; and that is why he is working so hard to
achieve it.
QUESTION: Here's a question that I hope you won't think is sarcastic
because by your own description of end-game -- when you get to end game,
things that weren't all that big a deal become a big deal.
MR. RUBIN: Right.
QUESTION: So this is a totally innocent question. Since he's been on this
current run for about a week, do you have more issues to be resolved or
fewer issues to be resolved or about the same number as when he started
out?
MR. RUBIN: I'd have to ask him that question directly. But from my
experience in these matters and as stated in the preamble to your question,
as far as the number of issues, I would expect the number might go up and
down, especially towards the end.
The question isn't so much how many issues there are; the question is how
hard it is to resolve each one. If one says one had a couple dozen
substantive problems with the Gaza seaport and the industrialist state and
the safe passage issues, that number could be very high as compared to a
question like security work plan or the size of a further redeployment,
which could be one issue but could be much more difficult to resolve. So I
wouldn't focus so much on the number, but I would agree with you that the
number of issues can increase often at the end if you count them at their
most detailed levels.
QUESTION: You won't object if we take note of the fact that you didn't
use the word "progress" or he didn't tell you to use the word "progress"?
Or would you like to say he's making progress?
MR. RUBIN: I will certainly say that in recent weeks and months there has
been progress.
QUESTION: But not this last spin -- this last push - this last drive?
MR. RUBIN: At this point all I can say is there are a lot of issues to be
worked out.
QUESTION: And you left out one thing, if I may.
MR. RUBIN: Only one thing?
QUESTION: No, no - you actually named specific issues --
MR. RUBIN: They were examples. They are not intended to --
QUESTION: Yes, but I forgot about the seaport - it's been so long since
we heard seaport. But to some of us who were over to the Israeli Embassy
several months ago - I think spring was still in the air - the Israeli
Ambassador was talking basically of two issues to wrap it up - a nature
preserve and whether to the extent that it would be subjected to density;
to how much building would be around it or whether it would be kept
pretty much a preserve.
MR. RUBIN: There are more issues.
QUESTION: There's more than just a nature - is the nature preserve still
an issue or is it --
MR. RUBIN: I don't intend to comment on that specific issue, other than
to say that there are more issues.
QUESTION: Is the extent Israel's withdrawal - is how much land Israel
turns over to Yasser Arafat still an issue?
MR. RUBIN: Nothing is agreed until everything is agreed.
QUESTION: The Azerbaijani election?
QUESTION: To what extent did the recent violence there complicate
Ambassador Ross' trip? And do you whether the Palestinian - (inaudible) --
security participated in the raid on the two mens' home?
MR. RUBIN: I think you'd have to ask them about that; and he did not make
any comment to me about that issue when I spoke to him.
QUESTION: We take it as somewhat of a promising sign that we're hearing
about more issues this time around, as Barry mentioned, than simply the
security and Palestinian covenant and the re-deployment of troops?
MR. RUBIN: I won't tell you how to read the tea leaves, because I'm
losing my ability to read them myself. (Laughter.)
MR. RUBIN: Right, but that doesn't mean, again, this is a very serious
subject. This is an excruciatingly difficult enterprise. If it weren't, we
wouldn't be at it so long and those involved wouldn't recognize the
excruciating difficulty.
To the extent that one gets down to details related to the interim issues
like seaport, airport or safe passage or industrial state, that could be a
sign that one is even closer to the end of the end-game. However, because
of the nature of the breakdown of confidence and trust between the parties,
the salient point is the one I think I just stated, which is that nothing
is agreed until everything is agreed; and that any issue in the current
climate can be an obstacle that is insuperable, given this climate.
So all I can tell you is that one could see it that way, but it depends.
(Laughter.)
QUESTION: You mentioned a foreign policy meeting. Now, the President in
Ireland --
MR. RUBIN: I'm sorry not to be more responsive, but that's my best
assessment.
QUESTION: You mentioned that there was a foreign policy Saturday. The
President, in Ireland, reasonably speaking of the gains made in that part
of the world, was hoping and expressed the hope that this example could be
replicated between India and Pakistan, between Israel and the Arabs. Do you
know of any initiative that is being put together on India and Pakistan,
particularly?
MR. RUBIN: Well, we certainly have the question of the President's trip
being currently on hold and under review and the work that Deputy Secretary
Talbott has been doing to try to deal with some of the critical arms
control issues. Beyond that, I'm not aware of a new proposal, other than to
say that these are the kind of efforts - as was the case in Ireland and has
been the case in many other issues - where one continues to work at
it, pressing, pushing; and then at some point, the parties themselves
decide that they want to put aside their animosities and enmity. That's
where the facilitator and mediator role can best be served.
But in none of these cases have we stated or do we believe that the United
States can force the parties to come to that moment of recognition that it
is better to resolve these problems peacefully than to let them fester and
risk greater and greater violence.
QUESTION: (Inaudible) - the UN an opportunity?
MR. RUBIN: Beyond that, as far as any new - I don't have anything to
share with you today.
QUESTION: Are you able to characterize the Talbott discussions - progress,
no progress, et cetera?
MR. RUBIN: When I scanned the characterization provided to me, it did not
look like it would merit you putting pen to paper.
QUESTION: On Azerbaijan election and violence which took place in Baku
last Saturday, the - (inaudible) - opposition tried to contact - (inaudible)
- was brutally dispersed by police. US-based organization which had a
presence in Azerbaijan, NDI - National Democratic Institute -- condemn the
use of violence by police and other against the demonstrators? And while US
Ambassador kept silent, German ambassador was expressed its concern saying
that this is a violation of democratic rights. What would be the State
Department reaction to this?
MR. RUBIN: Let me make two comments with respect to that situation. First
of all, with respect to the meeting that took place which is also relevant,
we welcome President Aliev's* invitation to Armenia to attend the
Transportation Corridor Europe Caucasus Asia Conference -- that is some
conference, the Transportation Corridor Europe Caucasus Asia Conference --
which we view as a gesture of goodwill. We look positively on these types
of contacts, and we continue to encourage the parties to work together
toward resolution of the conflict.
US policy is to support a peaceful resolution to the conflict, and we
continue to play an active role. With respect to the events of Saturday
that you described, it is our understanding that members of the Azerbaijani
opposition attempting to hold a political rally were prevented from doing
so by Azerbaijani police. We understand a number of people were beaten and
arrested by the police. The United States Government is deeply concerned by
this violence. The right of peaceful assembly and demonstration is a
crucial international principle to which Azerbaijan is committed as
a member of the OSCE and the United Nations and a right provided
for in Azerbaijan's own constitution.
We urge the government of Azerbaijan to respect that right.
QUESTION: Just for follow up, President Aliyev, when he was in the United
States last year, he met with Madeleine Albright, he met President Clinton
and he took some commitment to conduct fair election. Now the five main
opposition members - (inaudible) -- the election because President Aliyev
controls all central election. Do you try to explain to President Aliyev,
there is one month left until the election, that the election is out
and opposition is not election at all; or the US Government is simply
going to congratulate after the - and saying that we are supporting the
status quo -- thank you for our oil, thank you for your support for --
(inaudible), and that's it? And we will have same picture that we have in
Cambodia. Azerbaijan does not look like Uzbekistan or Central Asia. In
Azerbaijan, there is some - (inaudible) - of democracy. This country had
the first free election in the region. Are you concerned with the
situation? Will you talk with the government? The same kind of statement
you made last time - two times you made such a statement asking the
government to continue the - (inaudible) - opposition. The government is
refusing to conduct - (inaudible) - opposition. What are you going to
do with this situation?
MR. RUBIN: Do you wish to continue?
QUESTION: No.
MR. RUBIN: You're finished?
QUESTION: I've finished.
MR. RUBIN: To the extent I detected a question in your comments and your
commentary, let me say that we urge conditions be established to allow free
and fair elections in Azerbaijan. I wouldn't assume that we have an
intention or a plan to dismiss the failure to do so.
QUESTION: Can I ask you about another --
MR. RUBIN: Yes.
QUESTION: Can you comment on the Bosnian elections?
MR. RUBIN: Yes. I spoke to Ambassador Gelbard earlier today, and he
indicated to me that these elections were the freest and fairest elections
in Bosnia's history; that there were very few - and there have been a
number of elections in that history - that there have been few reports of
problems; that as far as he could tell, it was very few percentage points
of the polling places where there were problems.
We will be awaiting both preliminary and official results of the election,
but it is our view that we will be really waiting to see what actions the
elected officials and the policies the elected officials pursue and that
will be the guide for how we respond.
So we'll have to see how the positions unfold. In general, I think it's
fair to say that in recent years and months, political, social and economic
reform have moved in the right directions, including elections, growth,
pluralism; that political extremists have been removed from office; that
joint institutions have been developed; that police and judicial reform is
underway; that there are independent media that has been developing; that
the GDP grew an estimated 35 percent in 1997; unemployment has dropped from
90 percent at the end of the war to 31 percent in early 1998; electric
power has been restored to major cities. These actions and trends
obviously need to become self-sustaining. But for those who are familiar
with the conditions that people lived in in Bosnia during the recent years,
I think would agree that that is major progress.
QUESTION: Jamie, there are some findings, I guess is the right word, of
campaign violations - posters --
MR. RUBIN: Prior to that - yes, there was an issue of posters that
Ambassador Gelbard said he had raised with the Croat side and was looking
for them to condemn those violations. I believe it involved putting up
posters of those indicted war criminals that had been transferred to The
Hague - or two of them.
QUESTION: And you'd like the Croat side to condemn that?
MR. RUBIN: To condemn that, yes.
QUESTION: Jamie, you didn't list return of refugees on your list of
accomplishments?
MR. RUBIN: Clearly, significant political progress has occurred, but
numbers are still quite low when it comes to refugees; and progress in that
area is threatened by many obstacles, including anti-return politics of
many of the leaders, including legislation problems, including forced
returns from Europe.
Minorities have returned to areas where many thought returns would never
happen, but the pace is unacceptably slow. There have been only 50,000
minority returns and the majority of the 1.4 million Bosnians who are still
displaced come from minority areas. We continue to work on this problem and
we are going to pursue it as vigorously as we can. But ultimately, it
depends on the policies of the leaders who are either promoting or not
facilitating returns. Certainly, our assistance policies will be geared to
those leaders and municipalities and regions that implement the Dayton
accord. One prime element of the Dayton accord is to make such refugee
returns possible.
QUESTION: There's been some early reporting that the conservatives or the
more radical elements are in the lead and that Plavsic, in fact, may have
lost. Are you saying that you've detected none of those trends; it's just
too early?
MR. RUBIN: Yes, that's what Ambassador Gelbard's view was.
QUESTION: On that subject, political extremists have been removed from
power. Who in particular?
MR. RUBIN: Well, Karadzic used to be the president of the Bosnian Serb
Republic.
QUESTION: Back to North Korea really quickly, to the extent the missile
launch was a satellite, are we ready to make any revised statements?
MR. RUBIN: On that issue, let me say that our analysis regarding the
August 31 launch continues. We have concluded that North Korea did attempt
to orbit a very small satellite. We also have concluded the satellite
failed to achieve orbit. Nevertheless, the North Koreans have demonstrated
in this launch a capability to deliver a weapons payload against surface
targets at increasing ranges, confirming the inherent capability to
threaten its neighbors.
So we regard this missile as a threat to US allies, friends and forces in
the region. As far as the specific capabilities of this missile, I'm not in
a position to state anything more than we continue to examine it. But that
is our conclusion at this point.
QUESTION: Follow on that - is it legal to launch a missile over somebody -
some other country's airspace?
MR. RUBIN: I'll have to get that. We regard this as something we don't
want to see happen again. It demonstrates a dangerous capability, a
destabilizing capability. As far as the technicalities are concerned, I'll
have to get a legal answer for you. But regardless of the technicalities,
we do not want to see it happen again.
QUESTION: Is the US going to go so far as to condemn North Korea for
doing what they did, even though --
MR. RUBIN: I think we've stated very clearly our opposition to these
tests time after time after time.
QUESTION: Could you comment on the reports that the North Koreans were
shipping warhead canisters to Pakistan a couple of months ago?
MR. RUBIN: I can. I know it's in here. It is well-known that North Korea
has marketed its missile technology and equipment world wide, including to
Pakistan. North Korean, Pakistan cooperation on the Ghauri missile also has
been documented. The United States takes this matter very seriously and has
been addressing it.
In April of this year, we imposed sanctions on North Korean and Pakistani
entities for their involvement in transferring from North Korea to Pakistan
items controlled under Category I of the Missile Technology Control Regime
related specifically to the Ghauri missile. The sanctioned entities are the
Changgwang Sinyoung Corporation of North Korea and the Khan Research
laboratories of Pakistan.
We have sanctioned North Korean and Pakistani entities for the transfer of
equipment and technology. Again, this is under Category I which refers to
complete missiles, major sub-systems or production technology for a missile
system capable of delivering a 500 kilogram payload to a range of at least
300 kilometers. I cannot be more specific than that, other than to say that
Pakistan has announced that the Ghauri has a payload of some 700 kilograms
and a range of 1500 kilometers which is - and the parameters, therefore,
described by Pakistan are consistent with our understanding of the
parameters of North Korea's No Dong missile.
QUESTION: When was this sanctions decision made?
MR. RUBIN: In April 1998.
QUESTION: Do you know what kind of satellite they were lofting?
MR. RUBIN: I have no further information.
QUESTION: Do you have any announcement as far as the Secretary's schedule
in New York, specifically like the --
MR. RUBIN: Not yet. Later in the week.
QUESTION: One more question. It's our understanding that later this
afternoon there's going to be a press conference in Miami to discuss the
arrest of, I think, ten Cuban spies. Did the United States know about the
presence of these spies prior for many years, or has this been a new
discovery; and why are they only being arrested now, if that's the
case?
MR. RUBIN: We have no information to provide you as of 2:20 p.m. at this
time on that story. It is my understanding the US Attorney and the Federal
Bureau of Investigation will be holding a press conference in Miami this
afternoon, and they will be in a position to provide the information on a
subject of this seriousness. This is a very serious law enforcement matter
and it should be discussed first by them.
QUESTION: Thank you.
(The briefing concluded at 2:20 P.M.)
|
