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U.S. Department of State Daily Press Briefing #117, 97-08-15

U.S. State Department: Daily Press Briefings Directory - Previous Article - Next Article

From: The Department of State Foreign Affairs Network (DOSFAN) at <http://www.state.gov>


348

U.S. Department of State
Daily Press Briefing

Friday, August 15, 1997

Briefer: James P. Rubin

ANNOUNCEMENTS/STATEMENTS
1,6            Secretary's Activities and Meetings Today/Statements to be
                 Posted Today On:
1              --Albania: Secretary Albright's Meeting with Dr. Ibrahim
                 Rugova
1,10           --Cuba: Cuba: Deteriorating Human Rights Situation
1,4            --Bosnia: Politicization of Republika Srpska Constitutional
                 Court

CYPRUS 1-2 Conclusion of UN Talks in Montreux, Switzerland 2-3 EU Membership for Cyprus and Turkey 3 Ambassador Holbrooke's Role

FORMER YUGOSLAVIA 3-6 Ambassador Gelbard to Travel to Region/Focus of Trip/Schedule 6-7 Troop Rotation/Election Monitoring

MIDDLE EAST PEACE PROCESS 7-8 Israeli Security Measures/Easing of Sanctions 8-10 Status of the Israeli-Syrian Track

ARGENTINA 11 Secretary's Meeting with the Foreign Minister 11 US Consideration of Argentina as a Non-NATO Major Ally 11-12 UK-Argentina Dispute re Falkland Islands

CENTRAL AMERICA 12 Secretary's Meeting with Central American Ministers

DEPARTMENT 12-13 State Department Role re: Alien Smuggling Ship Off the Coast of Mexico

ANGOLA 13-14 UN Recommendations re UNITA Sanctions


U.S. DEPARTMENT OF STATE
DAILY PRESS BRIEFING

DPB #117

FRIDAY, AUGUST 15, 1997 12:32 P.M.

(ON THE RECORD UNLESS OTHERWISE NOTED)

MR. RUBIN: Greetings. It's Friday; it's slow.

QUESTION: Thank God.

MR. RUBIN: And it's August, so we will do our best to get you out at a reasonable time, provided I don't make any major bloopers.

The Secretary has been at the White House this morning in a series of meetings. The White House will probably have more detail about what those meetings specifically are - the topics, anyway.

She will be meeting later this afternoon with Dr. Rugova, a leader of the Kosovo Albanians. There will be some press arrangements for that; it's at 2:45 p.m. She will also be meeting with Foreign Minister Di Tella this afternoon, and there's some press arrangements for that.

I have a few statements we'll post after the briefing on Albania, Cuba and Bosnia. Who wants to go first?

Sir?

QUESTION: Can you give us a hint as to what the subject matter was at these discussions at the White House?

MR. RUBIN: Well, I think that Mike McCurry, the President's able spokesman, has referred to the topics. But being not sure exactly what it is that he said, I'm going to be cautious. But they include the Middle East.

Yes.

QUESTION: The Cyprus talks don't seem to be going very well. I was wondering if you think - or what's the U.S. view of the degree of complication that the EU may be bringing to all of this by offering to start entry talks with the Greek Cypriot Government.

MR. RUBIN: The talks did conclude earlier today in Switzerland. We're obviously studying the statements made by the various leaders. I understand that they did confirm their goal as achieving a bi-zonal, bi-communal federation. They agreed to invite the UN special envoy to the island in the future. They also agreed that there would be humanitarian discussions in future on the island on various humanitarian issues.

We regard the talks as having been useful. Both parties heard each other out on the full range of issues. We understand that the UN special envoy put out a paper for them to think about. The question of how useful and how successful these talks will be will have to be determined over time. This is a long-running dispute. There are significant passions and emotions on both sides, and we don't expect these kinds of problems to be solved easily.

They are going to recess, and we don't expect another round until after the elections in Cyprus. So that will probably mean next year. In the meantime, our position has been that we support both EU membership desires of Turkey and Cyprus. We believe that the EU accession process provides incentives for the concerned parties to move ahead to achieve a just and viable settlement to the Cyprus dispute.

Secretary Albright has spoken to various EU leaders over the recent weeks and talked about the need to try to hold open as much prospect as possible for both Cyprus and Turkey, and emphasizing that doing so increases the chances that we will be able to resolve this long-simmering dispute.

QUESTION: But we have a situation here where the EU has offered to begin entry talks with the Greek Cypriots. And it has been rather vocal and assertive in its sort of kicking Turkey down the road. Do you think that that offers the kind of balance that you need that is required to sort of help move these talks along?

MR. RUBIN: One of the things that former Spokesman Nick Burns did brief me on before I took this job was the importance of emphasizing - which I shall now do so - that EU accession is a decision for the EU to make. What we try to do is explain to them what we think about various situations and the extent to which we think holding out the prospect of membership to both Cyprus and Turkey will improve the atmosphere, improve the chances, improve the incentives for a negotiation on this matter to succeed. That is our view.

But again, it is an EU matter to decide the pace and timing of any accession talks because we are not a member of the EU. But we do believe that holding out the hope - realistic hope - of joining the EU is an incentive that will increase the chances of a settlement in Cyprus.

Yes.

QUESTION: Well, do you think they are holding out a realistic hope to Turkey?

MR. RUBIN: Again, we have made clear that we believe that holding out a hope is a good way to go. We are not going to judge the extent to which it has reached a point that Turkey has reason to conclude that its incentives would have been limited. Bear in mind that I just told you that we don't think there will be another round of these negotiations till next year. So there is plenty of time.

QUESTION: One more question on this. How does Holbrooke fit into all this equation? I mean, what - how does he enter into this process? What special --

MR. RUBIN: Role will he play?

QUESTION: -- cache will he bring to it?

MR. RUBIN: Well, the first special cache Richard Holbrooke will bring is that he is Richard Holbrooke and that he has demonstrated a unique capability over the years to try to bring parties together who don't seem like they want to solve the problem. He has done that in Bosnia. He has obviously played a role in Greek-Turkish issues in the past in his position as Assistant Secretary.

This past week, he spent a lot of time, as you may have noticed on the subject of Bosnia. He has told us that he intends to begin to focus with meetings in New York and at trip to the region this Fall on seeing where he can make a difference. He's been consulting with various European leaders. He's been consulting with the U.K. Special Envoy, David Hannay. He's going to have to make a judgment of where, in this context, he can play the role that we hope he can play, which is why Secretary Albright decided to ask him to take on this task.

But we don't have any specific information for you other than to say that he's very cognizant of the importance of holding out the hope for both Turkey and Cyprus - a realistic prospect of closer union with the European Union. Secretary Albright has made that point clear to most of her counterparts - most recently with Foreign Secretary Cook, yesterday, I believe, on the telephone.

Yes.

QUESTION: Different subject?

MR. RUBIN: Sure.

QUESTION: One subject that was discussed at the White House this morning was Bosnia. Mr. Gelbard is going back to the region this weekend, is my understanding. Can you share with us what he hopes to accomplish on this trip?

MR. RUBIN: Yes, I can. As I understand it from Ambassador Gelbard, his trip will focus almost exclusively on the Bosnia construction of the state there, and try to see whether the agreements that have begun on creating currency, creating a central bank, creating diplomatic arrangements for the ambassadors stick. He will also be spending a fair amount of time on the refugee issue. There were certain commitments that Mr. Krajisnik made to Ambassador Gelbard in that regard, and he will be working on that.

I can say this - that he will also be emphasizing the question of Mrs. Plavsic and her effort to resolve a legal issue. We believe, the Secretary believes, that there's growing evidence that Bosnian Serb leaders in Pale are pressuring the court in the Republika Srpska to politicize legal actions against Mrs. Plavsic, the president of the Republika Srpska. Our analysis and international analysis has determined that she was - Mrs. Plavsic was fully within her powers in dissolving the assembly, and that the current challenges to her actions are not legally valid.

Justices in the court are now under intense political pressure to decide this case. We are aware of specific acts of intimidation. We regard these acts as fundamentally wrong in that they are trying to flout the rule of law there that we are working so hard to create. The bottom line is that there is a struggle going on in the Republika Srpska between those who are smart enough to realize that compliance with Dayton is the ticket to prosperity and peace for their people and those leaders who are too stupid to realize that a failure to comply with Dayton, a failure to follow through on the international community's demands, will only make their people suffer.

Over the long run, the smart leaders are the ones we hope win out, broadly speaking. This kind of intimidation is something we strongly condemn. I suspect that Ambassador Gelbard will be working on that point as well.

Beyond that, we'll have to wait and see what his agenda includes. But refugees - making clear the importance of the three presidents working together - trying to support those Bosnian Serbs who understand the wisdom of Dayton and are smart enough to do what's right by their people, rather than a trip that was of the kind that was taken last time, which included a stop in Belgrade.

QUESTION: Jamie, what realistically can the U.S. do to try and influence the Bosnian Serbs to move in the direction that we want, given that this is a legal matter within their court system?

MR. RUBIN: Well, what we can do, first and foremost, is what we just have done, is to take a position about what is right and what is wrong and make clear that intimidation is something that we reject and make clear that those who continue to act in this way are acting inconsistent with Dayton and are hurting their people and letting the people of Bosnia, including the Serbs in Bosnia, understand the difference between those leaders who are smart enough to look out for welfare and those leaders who are too stupid to look out for their welfare.

Yes.

QUESTION: When does Gelbard leave?

MR. RUBIN: I believe he leaves on Sunday. He should be in Sarajevo Monday and Tuesday.

Mark.

QUESTION: With reference to your --

MR. RUBIN: Oh, sorry, go ahead.

QUESTION: Is the United States having any luck in getting Mr. Westendorp to spend more time in the former Yugoslavia?

MR. RUBIN: Ambassador Gelbard - we actually talked about this earlier today - has been in very close touch with Mr. Westendorp. They have been working on a variety of tactical steps they are trying to take together to try to pursue the objectives that I just went through, and I have not heard any particular complaint in that regard. As you know, we in the United States, pursuant to this President's review, have intensified our efforts, working around the clock in some cases, but certainly long hours, to try to bring as much peace to Bosnia and as much democracy to Bosnia as we can during the coming months. We would like to see others do that, as well. But I haven't heard any specific complaints.

Mark.

QUESTION: With reference to your use of the word stupid, there is a lot of adjectives that you can attach to the Bosnian Serbs, but so far they - the Pale Serbs have been pretty successful in holding on to a share of power and certainly a share of economic strength. What new forms of pressure will Mr. Gelbard have in his quiver next week that you think would persuade them that they are now being stupid?

MR. RUBIN: We believe that any leader - any political leader's wisdom is judged by the benefits they bring to their people. The wisdom of the Pale Serbs is, therefore, in grave doubt. Their people are doing much worse than the people in the Federation. They do not have the opportunity to increase their economic growth the way the people in Bosnia do. I would be happy to get you some facts on this, but our information suggests that the economy is growing in the Federation, and the economy is stagnating down to the barest of minimums in the Bosnian Serb area.

In fact, I'd recommend - although I will try to hesitate from doing this in the future, but every once in a while you've got to break a rule - there's quite an interesting article in The New Yorker magazine about what's going on in the Republika Srpska. I think if you were a citizen of that area that you would believe that your leaders have behaved stupidly.

Yes.

QUESTION: Where will Gelbard be going besides Sarajevo?

MR. RUBIN: Well, again, I specifically didn't include other cities because I do not know whether he's going to go to Banja Luka. I don't think he's made that decision yet. But what I was trying to - he may go to Tuzla, he may go to Brcko; I just don't know. But I think when we have an agenda - I don't think he's made it up yet - the focus, again, is on Bosnia not Serbia not Croatia, unlike the last trip. But we may be able to get a full schedule for you this afternoon; we can try to do that. I don't think he's made any final decisions yet.

QUESTION: Might he go to Pale, as General Clark did?

MR. RUBIN: As I understand, things are a little different in Pale these days. There have been a number of raids by SFOR on a number of locations in Pale. I suspect the leaders in Pale are not feeling particularly safe these days, which is a good thing. Whether he chooses to go there on this trip, I don't think he's decided. But again, I will try to get you his actual schedule in time for your deadlines.

Yes.

QUESTION: Jamie, the Pentagon said that they were sending over, beginning on Friday, up to about 12,000 troops over to Bosnia, they said to monitor the upcoming elections. But does this represent - this massive troop, I guess, influx into the region - represent any kind of - does it represent a more aggressive approach by the United States in the area?

MR. RUBIN: Let me say this - since the Secretary's speech on the Intrepid, based on the President's review, I think if you look in every area, you will see an intensified effort by the United States and SFOR to try to achieve the objectives of Dayton. In the area of war criminals, you saw an operation in which a sealed indictment was implemented through an operation in Prijedor. In the area of refugees, you've seen more comprehensive use of SFOR to try to get people back to their homes. We believe that in the coming days, there will be a renewed effort in that regard in several cities in Bosnia. In the area of sanctions and the use of economic assistance, we've been able to achieve new commitments and new actions by the Croatian Government.

As far as the troop build-up is concerned, my understanding from the Pentagon is that is a normal planned troop rotation, designed to ensure that troops will be sufficient in the area during the election period.

Now, it's normal in the sense that once the decision was made, as part of our review, that we wanted to keep a strong presence there during this election period because we saw it as a significant moment, this is a normal rotation. As far as actual deployments, I understand the Pentagon estimated that the number would increase by something like 2,000 or 3,000. So I would hesitate to characterize it as massive increase. But I would urge you to have your colleagues or yourself contact the Pentagon for specifics.

QUESTION: No change in - this isn't to try to nab Karadzic or anything like that. You're saying it's - you're denying that it's any kind of new approach or altered approach?

MR. RUBIN: Well, I don't know what I'm denying. I know that the United States, at the behest of the President and the Secretary, has been trying to coordinate better between its civilian and its military authorities to try to intensify our efforts across the board in Bosnia in terms of building democracy, in terms of creating economic reconstruction, in terms of bringing refugees back, in terms of freedom of movement, in terms of putting the proper fear into the hearts of those who might have been indicted for war criminals. So that is an across-the-board effort that is coordinated very closely between the Pentagon, the State Department, and the National Security Counsel. That is what this is part of.

Yes.

QUESTION: Jamie --

MR. RUBIN: Yes.

QUESTION: The talks this morning at the White House, if you can answer one question about that. Do you know if these meetings on these subjects were decision meetings? Or were they simply briefing the President?

MR. RUBIN: Well, those are very good questions, very legitimate questions that I can only say ought to be addressed to the press secretary at the White House. We don't normally comment on the type of meetings the President has.

QUESTION: The Middle East?

MR. RUBIN: Yes.

QUESTION: The Haaretz newspaper today claims that the Administration feels it's - is disappointed with the degree to which the Prime Minister has eased the sanctions. They feel that he has - the newspaper claims that he has betrayed a promise he made to Dennis Ross to have a little broader easing of those sanctions. Can you comment on that, please?

MR. RUBIN: I have not seen the newspaper, but based on your description of it, I can say the following. The Secretary believes that the Israeli Government has a right and it is understandable that they would undergo a certain degree of intensified security measures in order to try to deter and prevent any new terrorist acts of the kind that so traumatized the nation a couple of weeks ago.

So we understand that. At the same time, we believe that the decision to withhold funds from the Palestinian Authority and some of the closure, with respect to humanitarian goods and some of the movement of peoples, were counterproductive and were unwise and were not the way to encourage successful restarting of the security cooperation. So that is the position of the United States. Since, as I understand it, the funds have not begun to go, that is still our position.

At the same time, we think that this whole process would be made a lot easier if Chairman Arafat would understand the wisdom of making the security cooperation part and parcel of his policies, because when these terrorists strike and if he is not engaged in the kind of cooperation that is reasonably required, all that happens is he becomes weaker. The Israel public themselves begin to have graver doubts about his determination to maintain peace with Israel. And his long-term goal, which we believe to be a comprehensive peace with Israel, is farther and farther away.

So the short answer is, we are disappointed every day that there is not a decision to provide the Palestinian Authority these funds because we believe the decision to withhold them is counterproductive. Ambassador Ross did not indicate to me any particular feeling of being double-crossed. On the other hand, he and the Secretary believe that these steps are counterproductive. But hopefully within a day or two when we start to see some actions, this will become moot because Prime Minister Netanyahu himself has said that with actions will go easing of these measures.

QUESTION: But the question - you say he doesn't feel double-crossed, maybe I stated it a little too strongly. The question is, did the Prime Minister pledge - make a firm pledge to Dennis (Ross), and thereby the United States, to ease the sanctions beyond what he's now done as a result of the trip?

MR. RUBIN: It's a legitimate question, except to the extent that we do not make a comment - try to avoid commenting on specific diplomatic exchanges, even if they're reported in reputable newspapers in Israel.

I can give you a general flavor of what we were hoping to receive, what we were hoping would happen, and what our position is. Our position I won't repeat, out of benefit to the fact that it's Friday afternoon. But we are hoping that in the coming days, that actions will ensue from the procedural meetings that have taken place that will make this a moot point because the Prime Minister himself has said that with Palestinian actions will come steps to ease the process.

Yes, Judd.

QUESTION: A related topic - excuse me, a group of Israeli Arabs has just returned from a visit to Damascus, finding that Asad assured that he's interested in peace. Do you regard this as a side show or as a meaningful, tentative step?

MR. RUBIN: The Secretary believes that it is one of the highest priorities of the President and her to try to develop a comprehensive peace in the Middle East. Therefore, she believes, like the Israelis themselves believe, that one necessary component is to have a peace process restarted between the Syrians and the Israelis. That is something we've been working on for some time. We've been looking for ways to find a formula that will allow those talks to resume.

That's something that can only increase the security of the Middle East if an agreement can be achieved to the satisfaction of both parties. So the short answer to your question is, we do believe that a peace is important between Israel and Syria to close the circle of peace, if we can get to that point.

As far as what analyzing the current state of mind of Mr. Asad, I'm going to have to duck that one and I'll probably do that a lot in the future.

QUESTION: I don't blame you for that, but you have no assessment of the effectiveness of this delegation going to Damascus?

MR. RUBIN: At this point, we are working very hard to try to re-engage the Israelis and the Palestinians. We have for some time said we would be prepared to work, and have been working, on trying to find a formula to restart the Syrian-Israeli track. I am not aware that as a result of this meeting, that people are suddenly preparing their negotiating tables and preparing their chairs and their pencils and their pads and their treaties, if that is an answer to your question.

Yes.

QUESTION: President Asad told this visiting delegation - I think included seven people from the Knesset - that he's willing to negotiate for peace, providing that the four years of negotiation that preceded that with the labor government is not sort of forgotten. He doesn't want to start the whole thing - process all over again. Is that a position you would support?

MR. RUBIN: What we would support is a formula that can reconcile the different positions of the Israeli side and the Syrian side on how to restart the talks. It's not up to us to choose how one of the two parties will negotiate what positions they will accept.

There's been a change of government in Israel, and we would be looking to reconcile the Syrian view that the talks should resume where they left off and the Israeli view that they ought to have the right to adjust positions that they believe are different than the government that was elected. So those are the two positions; that's fairly well known. Our position is to work to find ways to find a formula to reconcile those two views.

Yes.

QUESTION: On the --

MR. RUBIN: Same subject? Any more?

QUESTION: No, another subject.

MR. RUBIN: One more, yes.

QUESTION: You've talked a lot about re-engaging the two sides. If you had to pick an adjective to describe the current climate between the parties, what would that be right now?

MR. RUBIN: Well, the Secretary has said not so long ago that there is a crisis of confidence in the Middle East between the parties and the people, and I don't think that has been eased yet.

Yes.

QUESTION: So even after speaking with Dennis and all the shuttle diplomacy that has gone on over the last four days, you would still say that - just an adjective to try to pinpoint the current climate?

MR. RUBIN: You can choose your adjective. What I can say is that the United States believes there is a crisis of confidence in the Middle East peace process. There is a need to begin security cooperation in action, a need to re-start the interim agreement talks and then a need to begin to address the accelerated permanent status talks. None of those things are going on. There is a crisis of confidence.

Yes.

QUESTION: You said there has been an emphasis on the Israeli-Palestinian track. But over the next few weeks, do you expect a renewed attention by the Administration on the Israeli-Syrian track to try to find that elusive formula?

MR. RUBIN: Well, we never fail to pay attention to that track. As far as what we are prepared to do specifically, procedurally, diplomatically in that regard, I don't have any new information for you today. New subject.

Yes.

QUESTION: Yes, two days ago the Cuban Government detained journalist Raul Rivero, an independent journalist. Do you have anything on this?

MR. RUBIN: Let me say this about that -- the arrest in recent weeks of dozens of pro-democracy and human rights activists in Cuba for no other reason their attempt to exercise guaranteed freedoms - internationally guaranteed freedoms - ought to be condemned, and we condemn it. The struggle for freedom and peaceful democratic change being fought in Cuba deserves our attention and the attention of all democratic nations. It is a courageous struggle being waged by ordinary citizens -- lawyers, economists, journalists, farmers -- who want to promote democracy there and protect the fundamental rights of the Cuban people.

The government of Cuba is a signatory to the Universal Declaration of Human Rights, yet it continues to pursue repressive policies and abuse systematically its people in denying them the exercise of their rights and freedoms. So that is our view. As far as I understand, what these particular people were thought of doing wrong was telling the truth about the Cuban economy, telling the truth about what's going on there. I didn't know the truth was a crime under the International Declaration of Human Rights.

Yes.

QUESTION: Yeah, as you know, today, Madeleine Albright is meeting with the Argentinean foreign minister.

MR. RUBIN: Correct.

QUESTION: And I would like to know which is the United States position concerning if Argentina is asking Washington to intercede with Great Britain so as to negotiate with Argentina on the Falklands Island issue? What is --

MR. RUBIN: I am not aware that that is a prime topic of this meeting, and I would have to get back to you on what has been said back and forth in the past. As I understand, that is not a prime topic of this meeting.

Yes.

QUESTION: On the same - on the same --

MR. RUBIN: Yes.

QUESTION: On that, the Secretary said the other day that the United States is considering making Argentina a major non-NATO ally.

MR. RUBIN: Correct.

QUESTION: The question is, how can they be elevated to that status when they still have a major disagreement with arguably our closest ally in NATO?

MR. RUBIN: I think that's an opinion or a view or an argument that won't be unfamiliar to our British colleagues. But the question here is, what has Argentina done in the last few years? What Secretary Albright herself witnessed on several occasions, in several different ways, was the important good citizenship of Argentina in the world in the last several years. They have sent peacekeepers to many hot spots. They have played an important role at the United Nations and tried to advance the cause of peace and promote the policies and practices of the international community. That counts for a lot with the United States.

So what Secretary Albright said is that we are taking a good hard look at this, and that it would involve certain ability to get excess defense articles and other training and other services from the Pentagon, if that status were granted. We haven't made that announcement, but we are taking a good hard look at it.

QUESTION: But the Americans have said --

QUESTION: Just a follow-up?

MR. RUBIN: Yes.

QUESTION: Have the British asked - questioned you since the Secretary's words the other day? Have they asked you to hold off on this?

MR. RUBIN: Well, without making a practice of getting into each of the diplomatic conversations, I do know that she did not indicate to me that there had been a big problem with the British in the last day or two. Yes.

QUESTION: And she is going to speak to the foreign minister, right?

MR. RUBIN: Yes.

QUESTION: To the foreign minister?

QUESTION: Did they have talks about that?

MR. RUBIN: She didn't indicate to me there was a big problem with that.

Yes.

QUESTION: What about a small problem?

QUESTION: Any development with the meeting of the Central American Ministers, especially today the minister of justice of Guatemala says that they are asking for help from the United States because they are seeing an increasing presence of Mexican narco-traffickers in Guatemala. Do you have any comment on that? Or any --

MR. RUBIN: I will try to get you a readout. Someone can give you a full briefing on what happened at that meeting. Obviously, any concern on the part of one of the Central American countries that narco-traffickers were improving their access and capabilities in one of their countries would be a matter of great concern to us, and we would want to work on that.

David.

QUESTION: How is the U.S. doing in its effort to convince Mexico to take the people who are onboard the Lapas No. 3 , about 30 miles off Baja, California, being held right now by the U.S. Coast Guard? Why should Mexico take those people?

MR. RUBIN: One of the other things that Mr. Burns told me before I took this job was that when it comes to alien smuggling issues, one has to tread with great care; and I will now do so. The U.S. Coast Guard continues to provide humanitarian aid to the Asian migrants aboard the vessel, Lapas No. 3, which was intercepted last Tuesday by the Coast Guard.

The vessel was spotted by a Coast Guard airplane while on routine patrol. Later in the day, the Coast Guard cutter, Tybee, based in San Diego, sailed to meet the ship to investigate the status and condition of the vessel. The Coast Guard cutter, Midgett, is still on the scene to attend to the health and safety of those on board the vessel. Assistance includes the provision of food, fresh water, blankets and clothing to the migrants.

U.S. officials are continuing the investigation of this case. When we have more to say on it, we will.

QUESTION: I'm asking about the State Department's role in this matter, and their effort to get Mexico to take the people in.

MR. RUBIN: I am advised that the success of our ability to pursue our policy is greatly improved by the minimalism with which I speak about it from this podium. It's a legitimate question. Our view is that illegal immigrants ought to not come to the United States. The ways in which we try to implement that are humanely and with maximum focus on the suffering and concern of the people involved, but with also focus on the importance of letting the alien smugglers know that this is a place that they would be wise not to try to send their illegal cargo to.

Yes.

QUESTION: On Angola, there's a deadline - I think its' today - at the UN on whether or not there's going to be new sanctions on Angola. Just as we were starting this briefing, there was some story coming across the wire about a report from the UN Secretary General in which it sounded as if he wants to continue these sanctions. I was wondering what the U.S. view is.

MR. RUBIN: My understanding, from the same reporting, is that he did not recommend sanctions, new sanctions. It has been our view that Dr. Savimbi has been an unhelpful player in the process in recent months; that he has not agreed to allow the Angolan Government to take control of the necessary parts of Angola that he had control of; that he has tens of thousands of troops under his command and armed who have not demobilized; that he has refused to go to the capital and participate in the government Lusaka Protocol requires; and that we should be prepared to consider sanctions.

We are ready, willing and able to consider a tighter sanctions package on UNITA. But at this point, if the Secretary General has concluded what I believe he has -- which is that there are some recent steps that Dr. Savimbi has taken and some offers that have been made and some negotiations that have taken place, including between Dr. Savimbi and Under Secretary Pickering over the last week and that that improves the chances of getting compliance - we're prepared to accept that for the time being.

QUESTION: So you would hold off on sanctions for now?

MR. RUBIN: Again, as I recall my time in New York -- and Secretary Albright would be the first to say this - is that one wants to give the benefit of the doubt to the Secretary General when it comes to implementing details of an agreement, unless there's a really compelling reason not to. At this point, if - again, I just saw a wire report as I came in - they think that they've got enough to work with, we would be prepared to hold off. We are prepared in principle to tighten up significantly the sanctions package against Jonas Savimbi.

Any other subjects? One more?

QUESTION: Just back to Argentina. Have you any idea when this agreement - these announcements will be made about the special relationship with Argentina?

MR. RUBIN: Secretary Albright is going to take a question or two, and you're welcome to ask her this afternoon.

QUESTION: Thank you.

MR. RUBIN: Thank you.

(The briefing concluded at 1:11 P.M.)


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