U.S. Department of State 96/01/29 Daily Press Briefing

From: hristu@arcadia.harvard.edu (Dimitrios Hristu)

U.S. State Department Directory

Office of the Spokesman

DAILY PRESS BRIEFING

I N D E X

Monday, January 29, 1996

[...]

FORMER YUGOSLAVIA

Secretary's Mtg with ICRC President re: Prisoner Release

in Bosnia ................................................2,3-5

Status of Sanctions on Serbia .............................5

[...]

AUSTRIA

Weapons Cache in Austria/Reported Cache in Turkey .........21-22

DAILY PRESS BRIEFING

MONDAY, JANUARY 29, 1996, 1:04 P.M.

[...]

I also wanted to let you know that the Secretary will be meeting at 2:30 this afternoon with the President of the International Committee of the Red Cross, Mr. Sommaruga. They're going to be discussing the latest developments in the prisoner release in Bosnia. We were pleased over the weekend that roughly, we think, 318 people -- Muslims, Serbs, and Croats -- were released by the various parties.

We are displeased, however, that they are still in violation of the Dayton Accords. We think roughly 113 people remain captive. And of those 113 people, I believe only 17 are held by the Bosnian Government. That means that the Bosnian Serbs and the Bosnian Croats remain in violation of the Dayton Accords. The deadline for the release of all prisoners was January 19. They're well past that.

If this prisoner release is not complete by Saturday and Sunday, Secretary Christopher will be raising this issue directly with the parties when he visits Sarajevo and Belgrade and Zagreb.

Finally, I have a statement to make on the death of Olga Havlova.

The United States notes with sadness the death on January 27 of Olga Havlova, one of the leading citizens of the Czech Republic and the wife of President Vaclav Havel. We extend our deepest sympathies to President Havel, the entire family, and the people of the Czech Republic.

The United States salutes the many accomplishments that marked her life and hopes that they are a source of strength and comfort for her family and the Czech people at this difficult time.

Barry.

Q Nick, just to go back over a couple of these things; one at a time, I guess. You said they are all in violation. You mean all three groups even though you then said the Bosnian Government is holding only 17 prisoners? You remember there is some leeway for people who became citizens. Are all three factions in violation?

MR. BURNS: All three factions are in violation. That's what disappoints us, because all three at Dayton on November 21, and in Paris on December 14, signed the Dayton Accords. They committed at the time to full implementation. We don't believe -- again, to make a point, Barry, that we made last week -- that it's wise for us to let these deadlines go past unnoticed, if in fact these parties are still in violation.

Secretary Christopher, when I spoke with him this morning, was displeased to learn that roughly 113 people are still held prisoner by all the sides, and he's going to make this a priority issue if they haven't been released by Friday.

Q Could I prospect on your Chernomyrdin --

Q Could I --

MR. BURNS: Let's just stay on this, Barry.

Q Are you certain that the 113 are alive?

MR. BURNS: There is some confusion about numbers. The numbers that I've given you are the International Committee of the Red Cross numbers. That's the lead international organization, as you know, that has dealt with the issue of prisoner release. They have 113 people on their rolls who they have identified as people alive as prisoners who have not been released.

As I said, 17 held by the Bosnians; the rest held by the other two groups -- Bosnian Croats and Bosnian Serbs. In addition to that, there have been reports -- and even in the press through this past weekend -- that other people are being held captive secretly by some of these factions, including by the Bosnian Government. We cannot confirm these particular reports but we are looking into them.

It certainly wouldn't surprise us, in the course of a vicious war over the last four years, that there may be instances where people are being held and we don't know about them.

Q What leverage does the U.S. have besides your public rhetoric to try to put pressure on these parties?

MR. BURNS: I think the leverage is quite specific and quite significant. Secretary Christopher said, when it comes to the Bosnian Government, which has still not complied with the prisoner release, it's going to be very difficult for the United States to engage in equipping and training the Bosnian military down the road in the next couple of months -- as we look towards the six-month deadline on the equipment transfers -- if they haven't met their commitments on prisoner release. And also commitments -- not pertaining to the Bosnian Government but all of them -- on war crimes issues: access to war crime sites and cooperation with the War Crimes Tribunal. So we believe that these provisions are important.

Q What about the -- what's the threat on the others?

MR. BURNS: The others have an interest, a self-interest, in seeing the Dayton Accords succeed and be implemented. They do not have an interest in seeing it break down.

What we have going for us is that the President of Serbia and the President of Croatia have formally signed and committed themselves and their countries, to cooperation. They've told us just recently, in conversations that our people have had with them, that they are going to fulfill them. So they have an obligation to live up to them. We believe that they will.

Q You have word, obviously -- not to beat it to death -- you don't have the leverage you had because you have the commitment to oversee the training and equipping of the Bosnian army. Presumably, they want that to happen. What is it that the Serbs and the Croats are waiting for breathlessly that you can withhold or threaten to withhold? I don't know that there is anything.

MR. BURNS: I understand the argument, but I disagree with you.

Q No, no, just asking.

MR. BURNS: I disagree for the following reason, Barry. In the case of Serbia, Serbia wants full diplomatic recognition by the international community. I think you all saw a report this morning from Europe that Foreign Minister Kinkel said that the European Union will not accord Serbia full diplomatic recognition until we can see further compliance with the Dayton Accords. That's true of the United States. We have not granted full diplomatic recognition of the Serbian Government.

We've always said that conformance to the Dayton Accords will be a factor in that decision. The Government of Croatia has a long-term interest to be integrated into Europe, to be associated with the European Union, and certainly to have healthy trade relationships with the United States and European countries. The Government of Croatia has to know that is also going to be a factor in the way that we look at their ability and their inclination to cooperate with the War Crimes Tribunal and to cooperate, in general, with fulfilling their obligations under the Dayton Accords.

So there's leverage here. I think Secretary Christopher stated quite clearly last week that the United States is prepared to use its leverage if it's necessary.

Q Can you break down, by any chance, the 113 between -- we know 17.

MR. BURNS: Seventeen of the 113 are held by the Bosnian Government. So those are presumably Serbs. Perhaps some Croats. We don't know. The vast majority are held by the Bosnian Serbs and the Bosnian Croats. So now we turn the full international spotlight on those two groups to comply with the Dayton Accords on prisoner release.

Yes, Sid.

Q There was a time when you all were saying that the so- called "outer wall" of sanctions would remain on Serbia unless they complied with the Dayton Accords. Is that still the case?

MR. BURNS: The outer wall of sanctions, as you remember -- I know you remember very well -- pertain to membership in international organizations and the ability of organizations like the IMF and the World Bank to grant financial assistance. Of course, that outer wall is still constructed. It hasn't been deconstructed. It serves as a reminder to the Serbian Government and to others that the United States does retain some points of leverage here so that the Dayton Accords can be fully adhered to.

[...]

Q This is sort of a follow-up on this CIA weapons cache buried in Austria. You have been quoted in the Turkish press as saying that Turkey is among the countries in which similar weapon caches were buried. Can you verify this on the record?

MR. BURNS: I regret that I was quoted to that effect in the Turkish press because I never said it.

As you know, the United States did have programs -- arms caches during the Cold War -- that start from the early 1950s in other European countries. We have never, I think, mentioned Turkey as one of those countries.

Q Here's your opportunity.

MR. BURNS: I know it's the opportunity. I'm declining the opportunity. I never said it before and I won't say it now.

Q I thought we had -- "we," I think you -- it wasn't me -- you, actually -- the U.S. Government, I didn't know they had weapons. I know the U.S. had, for instance, in Italy, -- I don't what you call them - - sort of a group of somewhat right-wing politicians who would stand together and somehow would stand, maybe with their own bodies, a sober onslaught, but caches --

MR. BURNS: I think you have to remember the times, though. The rationale, as we understand it --

Q It was the nuttiness of the Cold War --

MR. BURNS: From the Truman and Eisenhower Administrations was, in the case of Austria, to, in effect, help partisans of a neutral country thwart a Soviet vision.

In the case of Turkey, we had --

(Multiple questions.)

Q (Inaudible) I didn't know that any other countries, the U.S. had hidden arms.

MR. BURNS: We had troops in Turkey. As far as I know, there was no arms cache program in Turkey -- hidden arms. None whatsoever.

Q Thanks, Nick.

(Press briefing concluded 1:47 p.m.)

END