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OMRI Pursuing Balkan Peace, No. 21, 96-05-28
From: Open Media Research Institute <http://www.omri.cz>
Pursuing Balkan Peace
No. 21, 28 May 1996
CONTENTS
[01] THE KEYSTONE KOPS REVISITED
[02] IS THE U.S. GETTING TOUGH ON KARADZIC?
[03] NATO NOT TO HUNT DOWN KARADZIC.
[04] BRCKO SERBS WILLING TO ACCEPT ARBITRATION.
[05] SERBS BLOCK REFUGEES, CONTINUE ETHNIC CLEANSING.
[06] NO MUSLIM REFUGEES GO HOME IN REPUBLIKA SRPSKA.
[07] BOSNIAN ASSEMBLY MEETS.
[08] BOSNIAN SERBS VETO CROSS-BORDER BUS ROUTES.
[09] BOSNIAN GOVERNMENT THREATENS TO BOYCOTT ELECTIONS.
[10] AGREEMENT ON MOSTAR ELECTIONS SIGNED.
[11] TURKISH, BOSNIAN AND CROATIAN FOREIGN MINISTERS MEET.
[12] BOSNIAN TERROR TRIAL OPENS IN CROATIA.
[13] SERBS TORTURED SEVEN MYSTERY MUSLIM PRISONERS.
[14] SERBIAN PRESIDENT MEETS NEW BOSNIAN SERB ACTING PRESIDENT.
[15] IS THE SERBIAN PRESIDENT INTENT ON SHELTERING KARADZIC?
[16] MONTENEGRIN PREMIER DOWNPLAYS SIGNIFICANCE OF MLADIC'S PUBLIC APPEARANCE.
[17] THE DIVIDING LINES GROW STRONGER.
[18] SMALL STEPS ACROSS A BIG GAP.
[01] THE KEYSTONE KOPS REVISITED
The past fortnight in Bosnia-Herzegovina has been dominated by a
single story: the fate of the Bosnian Serb civilian leader and indicted war
criminal Radovan Karadzic. The Dayton agreement, upon which the current
constitutional order in that embattled republic rests, is quite explicit about
persons accused of such atrocities and crimes against humanity. It states that
they are to be sent to the International Criminal Tribunal for the Former
Yugoslavia based in The Hague, and that the signatories of the peace treaty --
including Serbian President Slobodan Milosevic, his Croatian counterpart
Franjo Tudjman, and Bosnian head of state Alija Izetbegovic -- are obliged to
assist the court. Such help presumably includes catching the war criminals and
delivering them to the tribunal. Some small fish have indeed been sent to The
Hague, as has Bosnian Croat Gen. Tihomir Blaskic, who surrendered to the court
in return for lenient terms of detention. But the biggest culprits are still
at large, including both Karadzic and his military opposite number, Gen. Ratko
Mladic. It has often been suggested that the reason that Milosevic has proven
deaf to repeated admonishments to grab them and hand them over, however, is
that the two men know too much about his own role in the destruction of
Yugoslavia and the launching of subsequent wars by Serbia's army or its
proxies. Consequently, they remain free and Milosevic tells diplomats he
cannot find them. Persons holding this view would add that the "international
community" is, in any event, reluctant to indict the Serbian president, whom
it has accepted as a formal negotiating partner and as a signatory to the
Dayton treaty. In other words, there exists a "Saddam Hussein peace" with the
aggressor left in power, but -- unlike Iraq's dictator -- Serbia's has been
rewarded for making peace by being cloaked in international respectability.
And those who count on him as a partner, even if he proves less than fully
cooperative, have no interest in following the trail of war crimes guilt to
his office lest he land in the dock and in so doing cast doubt on the
international community's wisdom in dealing with him in the first
place. This may explain much of the major powers' behavior toward indicted
war criminals since Dayton came into effect. The Bosnian government has
repeatedly called for the accused men to be taken to the tribunal as a
necessary condition for holding elections and for establishing justice and a
lasting peace. But IFOR, with 60,000 troops in place in Bosnia-Herzegovina,
says it would stop the men if it came upon them but adds that it is not its
job to seek them out and thereby endanger the safety of its soldiers. It has
also denied ever having seen Karadzic or Mladic, despite press reports that
Karadzic and peacekeepers have even been in the same building at the same
time. The fact, however, that the two men have been known to move the republic
about also casts doubt about IFOR's seriousness in doing even the slightest
thing to bring war criminals to justice, given that the peacekeepers have
numerous checkpoints across Bosnia. Perhaps the most flagrant indication that
neither the international community nor Milosevic have been very serious about
catching the big fish was the public appearance of Mladic at a funeral in
Belgrade on 21 May. The best that a State Department spokesman could say in
response to Mladic's presence was that, for at least the time being,
Washington would not "react emotionally just because we've seen... the video
of Mladic in Belgrade...." Later, IFOR itself confirmed that Mladic had
returned safe and sound to his base at Han Pijesak.
In the meantime, Washington and the international community have reacted to
events in the former Yugoslavia in their time-honored manner, namely by
sending diplomats scurrying from capital to capital in highly visible
shuttle diplomacy. Whether this approach will produce any concrete results is,
of course, another matter. The Guardian on 21 May shed some light on
the origins of this method from earlier in the conflict, quoting a diplomat
as saying that such diplomatic activities constituted "a pressure valve
[that would] allow the Serbs to make promises and [the foreigners to] accept
them, knowing they had no intention of keeping them. It was a landmark in
handling the war, and brilliant by the Brits -- a beginning of the policy of
doing nothing."
Whether that is indeed Washington's policy now remains to be proven. But the
actions and behavior of the 60,000 IFOR troops suggest either that NATO's best
units are as effective as the Keystone Kops in rounding up at least two well-
known individuals, or that the international community is fudging on the
principles of the very agreement it helped forge. In the meantime, the
diplomats no longer insist that Karadzic be arrested and delivered, but merely
that he leave office or even just "disappear from view." The Serbs seem to be
offering only that he be neither seen nor heard, but not that he resign.
Karadzic, for his part, has assigned the international community a new
interlocutor, Vice President Biljana Plavsic. She has said she greatly admires
the internationally wanted criminal Zeljko Raznatovic "Arkan," while even
Milosevic has said of her that she needs a psychiatrist. -- Patrick
Moore
[02] IS THE U.S. GETTING TOUGH ON KARADZIC?
Washington, however, claims "there is absolutely no deal" over the fate of
Karadzic, AFP reported on 24 May. This follows several days of guarded or
equivocal statements regarding American policy on his future. An unnamed
senior official told the New York Times that the U.S. has rejected a
suggestion from Milosevic that Karadzic be allowed to "shed his formal duties
and drop from sight" but not be handed over to The Hague (see below). The
Serbs have regularly tested the willingness of the international community to
enforce the terms of the Dayton agreement, including its provisions on
arresting and trying war criminals. Hearings against Karadzic and Mladic for
genocide and crimes against humanity begin at the court on 27 June, Onasa news
agency reported. -- Patrick Moore
[03] NATO NOT TO HUNT DOWN KARADZIC.
Atlantic Alliance sources, for their part, said on 21 May that IFOR troops
will not go after Karadzic for fear the move could lead to casualties among
the peacekeepers, Onasa reported. NATO officials confirmed on 27 May that
their troops will "not mount a specific operation" to detain war criminals,
AFP added. The head of the Hague-based war crimes tribunal, Justice Richard
Goldstone, said however that he cannot "believe that 60,000 [IFOR] troops
would have difficulty" in arresting the war criminals, The New York Times
noted on 22 May. Meanwhile in Washington, State Department spokesman Nicholas
Burns called Karadzic's plans for a referendum "a lot of hot air," adding that
"it won't happen because we won't let it happen," Reuters stated. It is not
clear how the State Department intends to prevent the vote. -- Patrick
Moore
[04] BRCKO SERBS WILLING TO ACCEPT ARBITRATION.
The Serbs of the strategic northern Bosnian town of Brcko, however, seem ready
to stand up to Karadzic. The Bosnian Serb leader insisted as recently as last
week that the area remain under the control of the Republika Srpska, even
though the Dayton agreement states that arbitration later this year will
determine the future of the "Brcko corridor" connecting Serbia with western
Bosnia. Zarko Cosic, Brcko's security chief and chief local negotiator, told
Reuters on 22 May that "those who have NATO and the world behind them should
work this [arbitration] out in such a way that we can all respect it... If we
had been able to solve it on a local level, we wouldn't have waged the war in
the first place." But Karadzic's new prime minister, Gojko Klickovic, visited
the town and said that keeping it for the Serbs is a "priority strategic
interest" for his government, AFP noted. -- Patrick Moore
[05] SERBS BLOCK REFUGEES, CONTINUE ETHNIC CLEANSING.
Another key Serbian aim seems to be to preserve and promote the fruits of
"ethnic cleansing." In what has become a familiar ritual, 44 Muslim and Croat
refugees attempting to enter Bosnian Serb territory were blocked by 250
Serbian civilians wielding sticks and stones, AFP reported on 26 May. An IFOR
bus was also severely damaged, Oslobodjenje stated. This time the incident
took place near Prijedor, which the refugees wanted to visit in order to plant
a "peace tree" at the site of a former concentration camp. Serbian police
supported the civilians, while IFOR limited itself to "extracting" the
refugees and the IFOR vehicle from the tangle. Meanwhile in Teslic in north-
central Bosnia, the authorities continue to expel local Muslim civilians to
make room for Serbian refugees from Sarajevo, the BBC noted. The Dayton accord
guarantees freedom of movement, the right of refugees to go home, and the
right to live where one chooses. -- Patrick Moore
[06] NO MUSLIM REFUGEES GO HOME IN REPUBLIKA SRPSKA.
UNHCR spokesman Kris Janowski said, however, that no Muslims have moved back
to their old homes in Bosnian Serb territory (see below). Many attempts even
to visit their native villages have been blocked by angry Serbs armed with
sticks and rocks, but other trips have been carefully organized by the UNHCR
and passed off without incident. Janowski added that the UN is not attempting
to enforce the Dayton provisions on freedom of movement and the right of
refugees to go home by withholding reconstruction aid, Onasa reported. An
exception was made for the Croats in Stolac, who were successfully threatened
with an aid cut-off if they did not let in a certain number of Muslim
refugees. -- Patrick Moore
[07] BOSNIAN ASSEMBLY MEETS.
These and other issues were on the agenda of the republic's parliament, which
started work on 27 May by accepting a report on Dayton implementation by Prime
Minister Hasan Muratovic, Oslobodjenje reported next day. The government
placed establishing freedom of movement and the return of refugees at the top
of its priorities. The deputies posed many questions regarding these two
issues, among which were: how many Serbs and Croats returned to Sarajevo since
the signing of the peace accord, and how many Muslims returned to Serb- and
Croat-held territories in Bosnia. Asked whether a law on customs relief for
refugees returning from abroad is still in effect, Muratovic said it is on the
books but not applied consistently because the government side has no border
control, Onasa reported. Muratovic said there are problems on all federal
frontiers, but the southern one is the biggest because most of goods enter the
federation across it. -- Daria Sito Sucic
[08] BOSNIAN SERBS VETO CROSS-BORDER BUS ROUTES.
Returning to Mr. Janowski, the UNHCR spokesman also said on 23 May that the
Bosnian Serb police have prevented a bus from the government-held Sarajevo
suburb of Ilidza from reaching the Serb-run district of Lukavica. Police said
the bus failed to meet "safety standards," but the Bosnian Serb authorities
indicated that they intend to ban all such bus traffic between the Federation
and the Republika Srpska, AFP reported. Janowski said that the Serb claims
about the bus were "complete nonsense and another example of the hostility of
the Republika Srpska authorities to freedom of movement." The bus carried
mainly Sarajevo Serbs who wanted to telephone friends or collect pensions. The
Serbs subsequently blocked a second inter-entity bus route in the Mostar area.
-- Patrick Moore
[09] BOSNIAN GOVERNMENT THREATENS TO BOYCOTT ELECTIONS.
All of this Serbian behavior against the letter and spirit of Dayton is
naturally of central concern to the Bosnian authorities. Now Vice President
Ejup Ganic said that his government will not take part in the vote slated for
mid-September unless Karadzic and Mladic are removed from power. He also
demanded a change in the election rules so as to ensure that people can vote
in their home areas from which they have been expelled. "The danger of these
elections, if they are not done correctly, is that they will verify ethnic
cleansing. They will become a blueprint for how to ethnically expel people,"
The New York Times on 22 May quoted him as saying. Ganic's views are in
keeping with the Dayton agreement, but its key architect, Richard Holbrooke,
now seems to have doubts about the principles Ganic recalled. Holbrooke told
the BBC on 21 May that massive and involuntary demographic changes have become
"a fact of life" in Bosnia. He added, however, that elections must take place
this year even if they are "flawed" lest they never be held at all. -- Patrick
Moore
[10] AGREEMENT ON MOSTAR ELECTIONS SIGNED.
Some more positive election news came from Herzegovina's main city, however.
The agreement on postponing the local elections in Mostar was signed on 25 May
by the city EU Administrator Ricardo Peres Casado, the east Mostar Mayor Safet
Orucevic and the west Mostar Deputy Mayor Mile Puljic, AFP and Hina reported.
Agreement came as a result of the talks Peres Casado has held with Izetbegovic
and Tudjman. The former had insisted elections should be delayed in order to
enable as many original Mostar citizens to vote, while the latter argued that
elections should go ahead on 31 May as scheduled. Addressing the Presidential
Council on 25 May, Tudjman said that the Mostar case proved that some European
powers want to compromise Dayton at Croatia's expense. He added, however, that
Zagreb had ensured "the strategic interests of Croats and the Croatian state
through the political and military establishment" of the para-state of Herceg-
Bosna, Hina quoted him as saying.
The 31 May date would favor the Croats -- who now constitute the overwhelming
majority in Mostar -- at the expense of the Muslims and especially the Serbs,
most of whom have fled. The Mostar Agreement on the Local Elections says
people listed as citizens of Mostar in the 1991 census and who did not
voluntarily leave their homes will be able to vote no later than 30 June, with
the EU administrator determining the exact date of the elections. The
agreement commits both Muslim and Croat sides to ensure freedom of movement
and security for anyone who wants to vote, and commits Croatia in addition to
let people through its territory to vote. The EU and the EU Administration
have been asked to help fund bus transportation of refugees, and to designate
one voting location in each of the host countries where the majority of
refugees from Mostar live, such as Germany, Norway, Sweden, and Switzerland.
Orucevic said: "the signing of this accord means that Mostar will finally have
a single mayor next month and that it will become a unified an multi-ethnic
town again," AFP on 25 May quoted him as saying. -- Daria Sito Sucic
[11] TURKISH, BOSNIAN AND CROATIAN FOREIGN MINISTERS MEET.
Meanwhile, Ankara continues to do its part to shore up the federation, which
is one of the cornerstones of the Dayton system. The foreign ministers of
Turkey, Bosnia and Croatia held talks in Ankara, Western and Turkish media
reported on 27 May. The meeting aimed to demonstrate the commitment of all
sides to the federation, Bosnia's post-war reconstruction and the holding of
general elections there in mid-September Discussion also focused on the
training of both Bosnian and Croatian soldiers in Turkey . An agreement for a
ferry service between the Turkish port of Mersin and Croatia's port of Ploce
was also reached. It was announced that the Turkish Cooperation and
Development Agency will open an office in Zagreb after doing so in Sarajevo,
Yeni Yuzyil reported on 28 May. Similar tripartite consultations have become
regular affairs. -- Lowell Bezanis
[12] BOSNIAN TERROR TRIAL OPENS IN CROATIA.
The darker side of Croat-Muslim relations was in the news as well. The trial
began in Rijeka on 27 May of five Muslims arrested in April on charges of
"international terrorism." A Croat is also in the dock for complicity. The six
are accused of plotting to assassinate former Bihac pocket kingpin Fikret
Abdic, who has been living quietly in Croatia since his empire crumbled
following an offensive by Croatian and Bosnian government troops late last
summer. The Bosnian authorities allegedly promised the six DM 100,000 to
eliminate the maverick leader. The Sarajevo government denies any knowledge of
the five men and one woman and claims that Abdic and the Croats staged the
whole affair as a publicity stunt for his planned comeback. The Croatian
police claim to have found evidence, however, clearly linking the Muslims to
Bosnian intelligence officials in Bihac. Abdic has charged that Izetbegovic is
afraid of him as a proven vote-getter, Croatian media reported. -- Patrick
Moore
[13] SERBS TORTURED SEVEN MYSTERY MUSLIM PRISONERS.
Meanwhile in northeast Bosnia, Serb police beat and abused seven uniformed
Muslims arrested by U.S. IFOR troops earlier this month and then handed over
to those local police. A UN spokesman said that the use of torture to obtain
confessions took place in a prison in Zvornik, Oslobodjenje reported on 22
May. The men, whose origin and identity are unknown, are now being held in
Bijeljina where they have received some medical attention. The Muslims were
armed and explosions were heard before they surrendered to the Americans.
Bosnian officials maintain they may be refugees from Srebrenica who have been
hiding out in the woods and mountains, but NATO said they looked too well fed
and groomed to have been living rough since last summer. -- Patrick
Moore
[14] SERBIAN PRESIDENT MEETS NEW BOSNIAN SERB ACTING PRESIDENT.
Moving on to Belgrade, Milosevic met with Biljana Plavsic on 21 May, Nasa
Borba reported the following day. Plavsic, who was recently appointed by
Karadzic to take on many of his duties and is regarded as an extreme
ultranationalist, was accompanied by another vice-president, Nikola Koljevic.
The report said the meeting focused on the major political issues in Bosnia,
with Milosevic encouraging the Bosnian Serbs to set up and respect "democratic
institutions" in advance of the fall elections. -- Stan Markotich
[15] IS THE SERBIAN PRESIDENT INTENT ON SHELTERING KARADZIC?
Koljevic, speaking on Serbia's Kragujevac Radio on 26 May, said henceforth
Karadzic will keep a low profile, effectively disappearing from public view.
But according to Reuters, Koljevic stopped short of suggesting that Karadzic
would formally relinquish political authority. There is speculation that
Koljevic has floated a trial balloon on the Serbian president's behalf (see
above). The Bosnian Ambassador to the UN, Muhamed Sacirbey, has already gone
on record saying that any such deal is out of the question. -- Stan
Markotich
[16] MONTENEGRIN PREMIER DOWNPLAYS SIGNIFICANCE OF MLADIC'S PUBLIC APPEARANCE.
And Montenegro's head of government has joined the discussion as well. Milo
Djukanovic spoke to members of the international press corps on 26 May,
responding to a series of questions, including one dealing with his views on
Mladic's recent public appearance in Belgrade, where the general and indicted
war criminal attended funeral services of a former colleague. According to
Djukanovic, Belgrade has no policy of welcoming war criminals, and that
Mladic's presence in Belgrade can only be explained by rump Yugoslav state
officials' "inattentiveness." Nasa Borba on 27 may quoted Djukanovic as
saying that "insofar as the general is concerned, I would just like to say
that the policy of [rump] Yugoslavia is such that it precludes the entrance of
war criminals onto the territory of the federal state. But in the meantime, we
do not carry out the policies smacking of police control, or of some
police state." -- Stan Markotich
[17] THE DIVIDING LINES GROW STRONGER.
Back in Bosnia, the statistics speak of the barriers. While 91% of Bosnian
Muslims believe it is possible for all nationalities to live together again in
Bosnia, only 63% of Bosnian Croats and 7% of Bosnian Serbs share the
conviction. Unlike 98% of Bosnian Muslims who think all refugees must be
allowed to return to their pre-war homes, 77% of Bosnian Serbs and 64% of
Bosnian Croats are against the repatriation of refugees. The refugee problem
together with the question of what will happen with top political and military
leaders from the Republika Srpska (RS) indicted for war crimes are the most
confounding issues facing international peacemakers.
"After three episodes of genocide against the Serbian nation in this century,
we have had enough. We fought for a nation-state and won it. It is unthinkable
that we allow non-Serbs to return to what is now Republika Srpska. First we
must take care of our own people--refugees from Krajina, Slavonia, and
Sarajevo. Later, maybe, we can talk about mutual financial compensation," said
a Pale government official who wished to remain anonymous. According to this
official, the Dayton peace agreement will fail in its stipulation that
refugees be allowed to return to their pre-war homes, and "everybody has known
that from the very beginning."
The new RS Prime Minister Gojko Klickovic echoed this sentiment in an
interview with SRNA news agency saying, "The international community and
[High Representative Carl] Bildt are fooling themselves if they believe that
in this country the Serbs, Muslims, and Croats will ever be able to live
together again." Klickovic went on to announce that his government will
discourage local authorities from permitting Muslim and Croat refugees to
visit their places of origin in the RS. It is clear that the refurbished RS
leadership openly defies what some believed to be the cornerstone of the
Dayton accords: gradual reintegration of Bosnia-Herzegovina into a single
state.
Indeed, attempts to build even small ties on a local level have been
deliberately blocked. On 23 May, Bosnian Serb police stopped a bus owned by a
Sarajevo bus company that ran the only line connecting Sarajevo with its
suburb Lukavica--now a part of the RS. The police claimed the bus was
technically unfit and discontinued the line (see above). UNHCR protested in
vain. Another bus line had been interrupted between Mostar and Nevesinje after
a man attacked passengers in the Nevesinje station. These were the only bus
lines between two ethnic entities that UNHCR wanted to maintain.
Halfway through deadlines for implementation of the Dayton accords, not one
telephone line connects the federation to the RS. The latter has openly
declared its intention to build a telecommunications system totally
independent "of the other entity." Meanwhile, Pale TV news proudly announced
on Wednesday evening that a high quality optical fiber cable will connect
Banja Luka and Belgrade before the end of this year. Talks on implementation
of military aspects of Dayton were going smoothly until 23 May when the RS
negotiators, led by Koljevic, rejected the call to install a direct
communications line between the general staff headquarters of both armies as
envisioned in the accords. According to visiting specialists, the RS is also
unwilling to reconnect a high voltage electrical line with that of the
federation.
Ljubisa Vladusic, the RS minister for refugees and displaced persons, speaks
openly about "the unrealistic plans for repatriation of Muslims to the
Republika Srpska." According to him, 98% of Serbian refugees said "they will
never go back and do not want to live with their enemies." Vladusic says this
is why his government has to "take care of them [Serbian refugees] first." The
RS government works on three phases of refugee repatriation. In the first
phase, which is named "internal return" and is already underway, refugees and
displaced persons are returned to the towns and villages located on the
territories handed over to the RS through the Dayton accords. This mostly
concerns the area around Mrkonjic Grad and Kljuc, taken by Croatian and
Bosnian government armies in the 1995 fall offensive. The second phase
disregards place of origin and foresees the return of refugees from "abroad to
their own majority entity." This phase would entitle all Serbs to settle in
the RS. In the final phase, "the others" would be allowed to come to the RS,
but only after the first two phases were fully implemented. "The others"
represent more than one million Muslim and Croat refugees expelled from the RS
in several waves of ethnic cleansing since 1992.
The ruling Serbian Democratic Party (SDS) met in Pale on Thursday and agreed
that 28,650 Serbian refugees now settled in Brcko "are the best prevention
against any attempts at arbitration." In its final statement, the session
declared that "it is impossible to mix nations" and "it is impossible to
return refugees." There are frequent reports that SDS officials have absolute
control over which refugees receive vacated flats in the RS; however, there is
also a growing impatience among the refugees. "Their [Serbian refugees']
own people are sometimes treating them worse than what those of us who stayed
have to go through under federal authority here in the Sarajevo suburbs,"
claims Dusan Sehovac, former Bosnian Serb army captain and a chairman of
the Democratic Initiative of Sarajevo Serbs. At the same time, the Muslim SDA
hopes to secure a majority in the Sarajevo municipal assembly by placing
thousands of refugee families from eastern Bosnia in houses that Serbs vacated
in Sarajevo suburbs.
The ruling parties on all sides are using the tragedies of refugees to rally
voter support in upcoming elections. Approximately two million refugees are
once again the hostages of ruling parties' political maneuvers. -- Jan Urban
in Sarajevo
[18] SMALL STEPS ACROSS A BIG GAP.
There nonetheless have been some largely unsung but notable efforts made at
bringing people together again. The Sarajevo suburban Serbs' organization DISS
represents those Serbs who stayed on after the transfer of power earlier this
year. It has reopened classes to enable 46 pupils to finish the school year
using the RS curriculum. To both the surprise and satisfaction of the school's
initiators, even the children from several Croat families as well as several
from mixed Muslim-Serb marriages attend the classes. DISS is planning to start
a multinational school in September.
And among the intellectuals, political and non-political efforts are
continuing to prevent the further division of Bosnia-Herzegovina. Following up
on a 13 May meeting in Banja Luka, the Circle 99 group sponsored a roundtable
on 25-26 May in Sarajevo. Anti-nationalist colleagues from Banja Luka, Tuzla,
Zenica, and east Mostar took part, and among the proposed steps was the
formation of a movement based on Czechoslovakia's Charter 77. The views were
expressed that a loose coalition of anti-nationalist intellectuals should be
set up to coordinate actions across the inter-entity frontiers, and that
Dayton will remain unfulfilled as long as the nationalist parties monopolize
political power. -- Yvonne Badal in Sarajevo
Compiled by Patrick Moore
This material was reprinted with permission of the Open Media
Research Institute, a nonprofit organization with research offices in
Prague, Czech Republic.
For more information on OMRI publications please write to info@omri.cz.
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